Nationalist & Humanist Party
|Nationalist & Humanist Party|
|Leader||Hierophant Felipe de Almagro|
|Political position||Centre right|
The Nationalist & Humanist Party (N&H) is a family of political parties, originating in the former Elwynnese Union, with branches in the Benacian Union, Constancia, Hurmu, Floria (Confederate State & Free State), Natopia, Nouvelle Alexandrie, and Shireroth.
The Nationalist and Humanist movement believes that the impact of a celestial body upon the surface of Micras two million years ago resulted in a planet wide extinction event which terminated the previous evolutionary path of life upon the world, leaving the way clear for the evolution of a new species of sentient upright apes that would evolve into Humankind, the dominant sentient species on this world.
The existence of other planets inhabited by biologically and genetically indistinguishable hominids, Terra and Giess foremost, with which Micras has been in periodic contact, the commonality of cultures and languages between those worlds, which have evolved along similar lines in spite of prolonged periods in the absence of any semblance of contact, and the evidence of similar celestial interventions on other worlds that have come under the ascendancy of man, suggests to followers of the N&H that these three planets, as well as many more besides, may be the part of a wider Celestial Human Realm that will one day manifest itself and assert dominion across all of creation.
The elapse of time since the hypothetical Mortis Event is known as the Nostra Aetate ("Our Era"), but in spite of this it was not until the Advent of Dominion, traditionally dated to the 22,552nd year before Norton, that the Human Supremacy over Micras first began to instantiate itself with the great twelve-year strife to exterminate the last vestiges of chthonic influence in the world.
Between 1683 AN and 1694 AN, the national franchises of the N&H Party were controlled via a Coordinating Officer who reported to the Chairman & Vice-Chairmen] elected by the World Humanist Congress, comprised of delegations from the national parties, which met for decennial plenary sessions. Between these sessions the day to day administration of the N&H was vested in a Board of Governance formed of the General Secretaries of the national parties. Reporting to the Board of Governance were two directorates, Political Operations and Internal Affairs.
After the World Humanist Congress of 1693 AN, held in the Constancian port of Aqaba, a reorganisation was commenced which took effect from the following year. Global leadership was henceforth consolidated into the hands of a Council of Archons presided over by a Hierophant. The Archons were the individuals who had achieved dominion over the N&H Cadres in their national sectors. Whilst each national sector N&H Cadre could in theory acclaim as many archons as they saw fit, the iron rule was that each Cadre would only receive a single vote on the Council, and thus any sector that returned more than one archon, as in the case of the Federal Humanist Party of Nouvelle Alexandrie would only achieve the effect of subdividing their allocated vote.
The youth organisation of the Nationalist & Humanist Party is the Humanist Vanguard, which aligns to the various national level parties of the N&H. To receive the Red Hand, an enamelled lapel badge featuring a blood-red hand held palm upwards which is indicative of its bear having either served in the Humanist Vanguard or else of having completed the "spiritual hardening" training of the Black Legions, is an essential prerequisite for acceptance into the regional and national cadres of the N&H.
|Grade||Grade Insignia||N&H Rank||RP Rank Code||Equivalent BUDF Rank||Responsibility|
|Hierophant||OF-10||Magister Primarius / Frumst Frainan||Leader of the Humanist Movement on Micras.|
|Archon of the Third Degree||OF-9||Magister Militum (General) / Frainan Streïakeï||Leader of a National Sector Party or Affiliate who has brought National-Humanism into power.|
|Archon of the Second Degree||OF-8||Magister (Lt General) / Frainan Hohmin||Leader of a National Sector Party or Affiliate who has achieved electoral representation for National-Humanism.|
|Archon of the First Degree||OF-7||Dux (Maj General) / Frainan Uihmanzis||Leader of a National Sector Party or Affiliate.|
|General Secretary of the National Sector Party||OF-6||Legate (Brig General) / Salbnan||Deputy Leader of a National Sector Party or Affiliate. Chief Cudgel of the National Sector Party or Affiliate.|
|National Sector Command Officer||OF-5||Tribune Laticlavii / Ahmst Bræþstranin||Humanist, member of a National Sector Party or Affiliate, who holds a ministerial portfolio.|
|National Cadre Leader||OF-4||Tribune Cohortis / Ahmst Tazstraneï||Humanist, member of a National Sector Party or Affiliate, who has been elected or appointed to a national-level representative body, or who has administrative responsibility for the Regional Cadres of the National Sector Party.|
|Regional Party Leader||OF-3||Tribune Angusticlavii / Ahmst Mairstranin||Leader of a Regional Sector Party or Affiliate|
|Deputy Regional Party Leader||OF-2||Decurion / Fiþnan||Deputy Leader of a Regional Sector Party or Affiliate|
|Regional Cadre Leader||OF-1||Draconarius / Golsapbir||Humanist, member of a Regional Sector Party or Affiliate, who holds office in a regional public body, or a candidate for public office, selected for further development, or who has responsibility for the discipline of regional party members and members of the Humanist Vanguard under their banner.|
|Regional Cadre Member||OF(C)||Squire / Silbir||An initiate into the Regional Sector Party. Ordinary fee paying member. May not advance above this grade without the merit of earning the Red Hand and graduating from a Humanist Institute.|
|Vanguard Troop Leader||OR-9||First Ordinate / Ænst Opratzan|
|Vanguard Watchmaster||OR-8||Ordinate / Opratzan||Induction into the Humanist Institutes|
|Vanguard Standard Bearer||OR-7||Tesserarius / Ahtaldan|
|OR-6||Signifer / Tzæknak||Induction into the N&H Vanguard Group|
|Vanguard Section Leader||OR-5||Prime / Frum|
|Senior Cadet Leader||OR-4||Chosen Soldat / Usczosoþ Streïak|
|Senior Cadet||OR-3||Experienced Soldat / Usfaroþ Streïak|
|Cadet||OR-2||Soldat / Streïak|
|Junior Cadet||OR-1||Recruit / Nuïak|
At its barest essential, the N&H movement holds that the celestial archons, the hypothetical guiding spirits variously considered as deities or oversouls, by imposing their will upon a planet hitherto following its own path of evolution, inflicted a trauma upon the world spirit of Micras which, even as all semblance of life was scoured from its surface and oceans by the fires poured from the bowls of wrath, proved more resilient than expected, resisting the countless millennia of terraforming and studious correction of patterns of life to suit the warp and weave of the new creation begotten by the archonite spirits, and resulting in a hostile planet form that actively resists human settlement.
The evidence, so the followers of the N&H movement maintain, can be observed in the fractured nature of reality, the persistence of temporal and spatial anomalies, the alacrity with which human settlements and nations fall into abject chaos and self-destruction, and finally the corruption of the human form, derived from the perfection mandated by the divine, to resemble the long overwritten patterns of extinct chthonic life.
It becomes therefore incumbent upon humans, as dutiful avatars of the overspirits of the highest divinity, to exterminate any and all manifestations of the chthonic corruption, whether it be gene-splicers, abominations - of which there are many - or divergent hominids, so as to maintain humanity in fidelity to its true and eternal form.
"I should not have to remind you that 'do not needlessly antagonise the multi-planet galactic empire' is, and remains, an integral part of ensuring the human supremacy on Micras."
For a number of years a tension ostensibly existed between the official policy of toleration for liches, safir, and Deep Singers by the Imperial Republic on the one hand and the unbounded doctrine of the human supremacy advocated by the N&H cadres on the other. That the liches had mostly crumbled of their own accord and been exported as bone meal had resolved the problem they posed - the few that remained could be tolerated without fear of causing societal harm or upset to their fellow citizens and denizens. Relations with the safir were more complex, in as much as, after weathering two (three?) separate waves of safir migration to Micras, the diaspora that remained was comparatively small (if disproportionately wealthy on account of connections with past holders of the Golden Mango Throne) yet backed - reputedly - by an overwhelmingly powerful albeit mercifully pacific space-faring civilisation. The Imperial Republic and the Natopian Empire both have maintained discrete, albeit informal contact, with the safir, in consequence of which both governments have exerted a certain amount of pressure upon the N&H party to tone down its more strident rhetoric in regards to xenobiology - leaving the safir with the abiding impression that the main reservoirs of human prejudice towards them could be found in the loudly professed, but quite unlikely, culinary habits of the Jingdaoese. That the maintenance of this impression was quietly rewarded by the receipt of telemetry data from a source outside of the Atos system during the recent strife has been denied by the western alliance.
"Deep Singers, although bestowed with merciful toleration under Imperial Decree 853, were nonetheless the victims of generation after generation of genetic experimentation and forced mutations - that they are returning to some semblance of the human form is to be welcomed and celebrated."—Isabella Simrani-Kalirion, Speech to the Board of Governance, Fort Nider, Arboria (1659)
Similarly, the distance between government and party policy regarding the Deep Singer population, largely vanished from the surface world everywhere except in Kalgachia, has been the source of a certain tension in relations between the Imperial Republic and the Garden, a tension which a times during the War of Lost Brother's appeared poised ready to tip over into open conflict. The responsibilities of government, particularly the burden of maintaining the stability of the Imperial Republic in the wake of the ouster of Burgrave Zinkgraven, has more and more influenced senior N&H leaders to moderate racial policy to accord with, or at least humour, the line emanating from Oktavyan that the propagation of the Nezeni represents a fundamental dilution of the Deep Singer genome. In this however the pragmatic wing of the party rubs up against the implacable opposition of the hard-line eugenicist factions leading to some dissension in the ranks about how far to go with a formal shift in policy.
Because humanist ideology emphasises the ongoing struggle with non-human sapient competitor species for dominion over Micras, governments formed and or influenced by the N&H tend to adopt natalist policies, that revolve around providing financial and social incentives for populations to reproduce. In addition to providing positive inducements to encourage child-rearing and parenthood, humanist governments have also been known to resort to penalties, such as the escalating tax on childlessness practiced by the Unified Governorates of Benacia (UGB).
The only time that the human as a political animal will work towards a cause other than his own self interest is when he has either been primed by indoctrination or else cowed by terror. Perhaps we have failed in the past by relying too much upon the self-interest of the ruling cadres of the Imperial States, interspersed with the fear of corrective retribution, and not enough upon instilling sincere fervour within those whom we require to expend their lives in our service. A fanatic might be more willing to take risks and act on his own initiative to achieve a goal he has been conditioned to believe in. Maybe we could do better by emulating the Jing, since they are rather more committed to the noble art of thought reform than the nobility of the Imperial Republic ever were. The difficulty with the zealot however, is that his energies must always be directed outwards and away from the centre, if correct and harmonious function is to be maintained.
The Coordinated State portrayed itself as a progressive society that aimed towards a global human supremacy and off-world settlements, albeit considered to be unlikely to be realised in the lifetime of anyone alive at the time. The vision sold to the populace encapsulated rising living standards, a post-scarcity economy and further reductions in crime and lawlessness.
As long as order was maintained people declared themselves to be generally confident that the situation will continue to improve over the long term. Studies by the Panopticon Department into public morale however showed that this acquiescence was fundamentally fragile, as the eventual overthrow of the regime showed.
The Prince failed as a ruler if he failed to fulfil his mandate as described by the Charter of Coordination or if he was treacherous (Loki) or weak, incoherent and irresolute (Nathaniel). The Prince could be voted out of office at the elections, impeached by the Senate or overthrown by the UDF if he loses the backing of the military. In the event of a military coup the Prince would be replaced by a Condcuator who would have the responsibility of restoring an acceptable status quo.
Khanism in Elwynn drew strength from the perceived failures of Ayreonism, the predominant ideology of Elwynn during its era of independence, to defend the state against Shirerithian subversion, in the form of inward migration and electoral fraud, which culminated in the disputed election of the usurper Jacobus Loki as Prince of Elwynn and the subsequent reincorporation of the country into the Imperial Republic. Subsequently the Khanist parties in Elwynn forewent the pursuit of the dream of a renewed independence, in contrast to the Ayreonists, coming instead to consider the Byzantine political structures and machinations of the factions at work in the Imperial Republic to be the best guarantor of the continued survival of the Babkhi cultural identity. This held especially true as, in the years subsequent to 1623, Elwynn endured a severe and catastrophic period of uncontrolled Storrish migration as a consequence of the Elwynnese Principate falling into the hands of the House of Ettlingar Freyu, which distorted the political and social fabric of the Elwynnese Union out of all recognition.
"All humans are under an obligation to offer their labour and their obedience to the communities into which they are born."—Ardashir Moqtada al-Osman, 'Exhortations to the Elw' (1542)
"If civilisation can be likened to the coral reef in which all manner of life finds shelter and flourishes, the individual humans who raises those structures of calcium carbonate are scarcely of any more consequence than the individual polyp. It is the aggregation of these polyps into the colonies of corals that matter, and the structures they build that must endure."—Ardashir Khan, circa 1540.
Khanism emerged from the right-wing and ultra-nationalist Rastakhiz Party (not to be confused with the later, completely separate, social-democratic party of the same name) when a politically ambitious junior officer who went by the moniker Sarhang Artaxerxes stirred up violent street protests against the Socialist administration of Grand Vizier Juan Pablo Var, ultimately leading to the collapse of the left-wing government and its replacement by a government formed from the Babkhan Liberal Centre Party. From this one instance of opportunistic political aggression would arise the force of Khanism that would ultimately transmogrify the Kingdom of Babkha from a begin liberal democracy into a militarised world power with hegemonic aspirations.
Although the Rastakhiz Party which emerged from the chaos of the socialist ouster did not become the new ruling party, it had established for itself a firm electoral base and under the auspices of its self-styled Grand Commander entered into government as a supporting prop to the BLCP led administration of Grand Vizier Tahmaseb. As his prize, the Grand Commander was able to take the Vizierate of Defence and turn it into his own well-nigh unaccountable personal fiefdom.
Throughout much of its early history Babkha was challenged by the serious threat posed by the Atteran Empire and the United Republic of Tymaria, which briefly dominated the greater portion of the surface of the planet of Micras. Feeling threatened by the very real and persistent threat of Atterano-Tymarian espionage and cyberwarfare during an era of intense cold-war paranoia the Rastakhiz Party responded by evermore aggressively and assertively advocating the twin nostrums of Shah-Loyalty and hypernationalism. The Vizierate of Defence, later the Vizierate of War, became an increasingly rogue actor, expanding ruthlessly into neutral states such as Treesia in an attempt to off-set the overwhelming numerical supremacy of the Kingdom's enemies.
As much by luck as by judgement the Kingdom survived this early era of confrontation, by the end of which the heir to Sarhang Artaxerxes, known as Ardashir Khan, was rewarded for his avowed hyperloyalty by succeeding to the Kapav Throne upon the abdication of Shahanshah Babak. The reign of Shahanshah Ardashir I would cement the foreign policy of all subsequent Khanist regimes as a pattern of strategic cooperation with other great powers interspersed with moments of opportunistic aggression.
The Rastakhiz Party faded away and was replaced by the more centrist Behsaz Party led by Bahram Khorramdin and Abbas Namvari.
The ideology of Nationalist-Humanism holds that a society that lacks the capacity for cruelty will soon lose all vigour and swiftly become subject to external forces out of an aversion to conflict and fear of privation. As such corporal punishment is considered a public good, even if it perpetuates across generations psychological pathologies that might otherwise be considered antisocial, as it ensures that there will always remain to hand a sufficient cadre of those who understand the utility and necessity of violence.
To this end the Humanist vision is communitarian and aristocratic: humanity cannot thrive and perpetuate itself upon Micras in the face of alien competitors and a hostile biome unless it establishes the right material conditions for mankind to survive and reproduce; moreover such a society must be organised so as to facilitate the organisation of the most intellectually and athletically gifted into cadres capable of exercising the dominion of their reason over both realm and the environment itself. Such a society, necessarily, would disdain weakness and enact the ways and means whereby the population under its rule would be regularly sifted so as to uncover and eradicate the weak and unworthy.
The function of religion in the Harmonious Society therefore is to buttress and sustain the social order thereby established. This is primarily undertaken by the inculcation of piety in the subject populations. Piety represented the necessary inward-dwelling drive for individual obedience of authority and the collective enforcement of the established norms of group behaviour. It is also the obligation of the religious vocation within the ideological system of Humanism to advocate for the waging of wars against the impious; the drive being to wage, at every level from the street to the nation, a ceaseless conflict until the unbelieving are subjected to a lasting extermination and victory feasts convoked so as to celebrate their demise.
Humanist theory maintains that all human societies are the subject of oligarchic rule, a natural and inevitable consequence of the tendency of hierarchies of authority and obedience to emerge. The leaders which come to dominate in an oligarchy therefore cannot, indeed must not, be meaningfully constrained by the rule of law. Indeed in countries where laws are enacted to constrain the leaders, it will eventually be seen that it will be the laws that weaken, not the rulers.
In a Humanist oligarchy, disloyalty would likely be best addressed through a combination of surveillance, indoctrination, and incentives. First, the oligarchy would use surveillance technologies to monitor the population and identify individuals who may be disloyal. Second, they would use propaganda and indoctrination to reinforce the values and beliefs of the oligarchy and promote loyalty to the ruling group. Third, they would use incentives such as rewards, promotions, and privileges to encourage loyalty among their followers. Coercion may also be used as a last resort, but it is likely that the combination of surveillance, indoctrination, and incentives would be more effective in maintaining loyalty within the oligarchy.
According to one prominent Humanist theoretician, whose opinions were shaped by the civil wars of the 1690s, "we have learnt that, in the struggle to instantiate the Human Supremacy over Micras in its most correct and Harmonious form, it is those who possess the best technology, organisation, discipline, and the superior engines of destruction who will invariably emerge on top. It is essential to learn that without the innumerable legions of armoured carapaces, and the far-seeing sensors with which to detect and anticipate the movements of our foes, our efforts will ultimately be crushed. To this end we must apply relentless innovation and ruthless discipline to the societies that have fallen under our power. Without rapid industrialisation, and without the mastery of the highest technologies, it will be impossible for our holy cause to survive, let alone prevail, in the endsieg against the corrupted modern societies of our foes."
Indeed, Humanist governments may use technology in several ways to enhance and perpetuate their rule. First, they may use surveillance technologies to monitor and control the population, allowing them to identify and suppress any potential threats to their rule. Second, they may use communication technologies to manipulate public opinion and spread propaganda to maintain their grip on power. Third, they may use data analysis and artificial intelligence to make more effective decisions and strengthen their control over key institutions and resources. Finally, they may use new technologies to create barriers to entry or advancement by rivals in society and maintain their dominant position in the hierarchy, further consolidating their power.
Ultimately, Humanism regards altruism as a selective rather than a universal value. The objective is never to help the greatest number of people but to ensure to the fullest extent possible the survival and flourishing of those with whom meaningful connections of kinship and cultural affinity can be said to exist. This therefore defines the Nationalist component to Humanism, that acts as a rational limit to the universalist tendencies which, if left unchecked, would allow energies to be dissipated in exercises of mere futility.
The Nationalist and Humanist Party has its origins in two Elwynnese parties – The National Democratic Behsaz Party and the Einhorn-aligned Humanist Party. In 1603, they merged to form the Nationalist & Humanist Party.
Following the partition of Elwynn in 1665, where the Prince of Modan abstained on the Landsraad resolution implementing the break up of that Imperial State in return for the vacated seat of the Imperial Mother the Elwynnese and Shirerithian cadres of the party were racked by a wave of protests, resignations, and defections. By supporting the destruction of an ancient Imperial State in return for the largess of the Kalirion Supremacy the leadership of the N&H had badly misread the mood of their grassroots membership. The sense of betrayal was especially acute amongst the Babkhi, whose Southern League was now to be partitioned into three separate dominions (Alalehzamin, Araxion, Utasia), whilst their cultural kin in the northern county of Agnesia were to be abandoned to the tender mercies of a realm of blood fixated religious fanatics.
In consequence the N&H entered the 1665 electoral cycle at a disadvantage, attacked from the right by Behsaz-Eluin, from the centre by the Imperial Democratic Party, and from the left by the Elwynnese Resistance Organisation, Coalition 1660, and the Elwynnese Workers' Party. At a time when the N&H dominated government in Modan had suffered reverses in provincial elections, as well as the loss of territory to Laqi insurgents, it appeared that another correction to the hitherto upwards trajectory of the N&H movement was imminent.
(fnord) Everything proceeded according to plan between the years 1665 and 1670. There were no significant reverses and the Party emphatically did not disintegrate following a wave of defections, desertions, and suspiciously convenient plague deaths. That a major globe spanning political movement went, in the space of five years, from being a party to ruling coalitions in Shireroth and Natopia to being a regional party based out of the port city of Aqaba on the periphery of an irradiated continent is not to be considered a catastrophic blunder but rather a masterful piece of positioning. It is not necessary, nor beneficial, to ask any further questions about the fortunes of the party in this particular time period. (fnord)
Reformation & rise of the Black Legions
The years after the White Plague and the Modanese Migration had proved to be difficult ones for the N&H movement to navigate. The nadir of the party's fortunes could be said to have been reached with the death, reportedly by suicide, of the Party Leader Isabella Kalirion, and the rumoured incapacitation of her son, shire:Daniyal ibn Daniyal Simrani-Kalirion, on account of what was obliquely referred to as a "life altering condition". The surviving leadership cadres, dispersed and demoralised, would have to decide for themselves what course of action remained now open to them.
The events of the Kalirion Fracture, the unravelling of the decayed edifice of the Imperial Republic, provided a sudden and unexpected vector through which to facilitate their return. The failure of the Shirerithian neofeudal model obliged the N&H movement to undertake some deft sophistry for how, being haunted by the spectre of revolution such as had wracked Sanama and portions of Lower Goldshire, they no longer set much store in the serried tables of ranks and nobility which had once dominated ever aspect of Shirerithian life. There was much burbling about the "inherent nobility" of an "aristocracy of merit" open to all in proportion to their ability and service. The fact of the matter was that, with the House of Osman, the Simrani-Kalirions, and their respective coteries of depraved minions debauching themselves in more thematically appropriate locales, there was almost an audible sigh of relief amongst the technocratic cadres and the membership of the outer-party at the prospect of being able to finally slough off the outdated and inefficient crust of feudalism and privilege that had built up around the party structure. For the party's foremost patrons, the ESB Group and the Black Legions, moreover, there was no discernible inconvenience. The privileges accorded by rank and share options more than adequately compensated for the loss of titles and ceremonial baubles.
Human ascendance, Human transcendence
Under the leadership of Yakim Beg, Humanism in Alduria took a new direction, where adepts, termed as thought-leaders and notable for their flowing purple robes, exhorted the initiates and acolytes of the Euran Destiny Party to transcend the limitations of crass flesh and blood and to instead instantiate through meditation and inward exploration the higher and exalted true form of the "Celestial Man", forged in the heat of nuclear fusion with souls suffused with elemental iron by the master craftsmen of the Highest Divinity to serve as his avatars upon the mortal plane. In so doing the Thought Leaders encouraged the Party Cadres to emulate the example of the Most Holy, to be uncomplaining, unyielding, and uncorrupted in all matters pertaining to the Cosmos, of which Eura is merely a most wretched and shattered part. The mantra repeated by the slightly glassy-eyed and saffron-clad members of the Party Cadre is as follows:
- For Alduria to Flourish, Eura must be Whole.
- For Eura to be Whole, It must be Remade.
- For Eura to be Remade, It must be Disassembled.
- For Eura to be Disassembled, It must be Understood.
- Only by Understanding Eura can Alduria be Made to Flourish.
The experiment in Euran particularism did not endure - with the Euran Destiny Party dividing from the Humanist Movement on the subject of Alduro-Wechuan federalism, something opposed by the EDP which the N&H cadres of the Wechua Nation tended to pragmatically support.
Consolidation and Reorganisation
In 1683, concerned by the dangerous degenerate democratic developments around Micras, Sarah Dravot called for the convention of the Nationalist and Humanist World Congress in Aqaba, to discuss ways forward in light of the many crises gripping the planet.
Among those invited to participate were Salvik Dorkolluerion, Arandur of the Elwynnese branch of the Nationalist and Humanist Party, Nahust Vazir (Prime Minister) of the Alalehzamini Autonomous Republic and Member of the Council of Eliria since 1672; Fridwald Peter of the Ransenari Congress, Frenzyman Nathan Neemite leading a delegation of 12 Frenzypersons from Natopia.
In 1688 the N&H was able to conclude new strategic level affiliation agreements with the All-Union Revolutionary Front of Zeed, and the Einhorn Society of Normark. The agreements pledged resource and asset sharing, electoral pacts based on likelihood of victory in electoral districts where parties are both represented - determined by supporting the party with the greatest likelihood of winning a seat, and a commitment to the cosmological and ideological core tenets of Humanism particularly with regards to the struggle against the encroachment of non-human sapient lifeforms upon Micras. Another affiliate of the N&H established in 1688 was the Association Against the Undead, a single issue campaigning organisation rather than a political party per se, which was created in response to the particular local conditions of Barbary and southern Cibola - namely the ghoulish hordes of feral revenants haunting the landscape.
Imperial State of Constancia
Sarah Dravot, Imperial Senator, International Chair, 1670-1693, also Chair of the Nationalist and Humanist World Congress, 1683
Esmeralda al-Osman, Imperial Senator
Princess Rosamund, Imperial Senator
Prince Iñigo, Imperial Senator
Salvik Dorkolluerion, Former Member of the Council of Eliria, Arandur of the Nationalist and Humanist Party of Elwynn; First Vice-Chairman, Nationalist and Humanist Party (Benacia), Nahust Vazir (Prime Minister) of the Alalehzamini Autonomous Republic
Jacob Darylion, Former Member, Council of Eliria, Elwynnese Republic
Bovic Empire of the Natopian Nation
Juan Espinoza, Chairman of the Principality of Arboria Nationalist & Humanist Party (since 1657), former Senator for Transegale of the Elian Union, former Minister for Transegale of the Elian Union
Nathan Neemite, Council of Arboria, former Senator of the Principality of Arboria to the Frenzy
Orah Drag, National Assembly, Klaasiya
Kingdom of Ransenar
Democratic Republic of Sanama
Imperial Republic of Shireroth
Isabella Simrani-Kalirion + , International Chairwoman, 1660-1670
Daniyal ibn Daniyal Simrani-Kalirion, Former Chairman, Nationalist and Humanist Party (Benacia)
Mokhtar Ibrahimzadeh, Former President of the Folksraad, Second Vice-Chairman, Nationalist and Humanist Party (Benacia)
Soleima Eslamdokht, Former First Deputy of the Folksraad, Director of Political Operations, Nationalist and Humanist Party (Benacia)
Hovo Erfan Rostami, Former Deputy Director of State Security for the State of Modan, Director of Internal Affairs, Nationalist and Humanist Party (Benacia)
The common criticisms of the ideology of Nationalist-Humanism include that it promotes violence and cruelty as a public good, ignores the negative consequences of corporal punishment, and justifies the perpetuation of psychological pathologies. Critics argue that this ideology is misguided and does not reflect the values of a just and compassionate society. They argue that violence and cruelty are not necessary for a society to be strong and resilient, and that corporal punishment is counterproductive and harmful to individuals and society as a whole. Critics also argue that this ideology promotes a toxic and unhealthy culture that is not conducive to the well-being of individuals or the overall health of society.