Federal Humanist Party

Federal Humanist Party Partido Humanista Federal
Abbreviation	FHP
Co-Archon	Daniela Obregon y Zarzuela
Co-Archon	Juan Pablo Jimenez
Presidential candidate	José Manuel Montero
Founded	21.XV.1692 AN
Preceded by	Coalition for Federal Progress (in part) Nationalist and Humanist Club of the Wechua Nation
Newspaper	Le Nouveau Siècle
Student wing	N&H Vanguard Group
Youth wing	Young Humanists League
Membership  (1694 AN)	2,049,121
Ideology	Federalism Humanism Corporatism Constitutionalism Pro-Raspur Pact
Political position	Centre-right
International affiliation	Nationalist & Humanist Party
Official colours	Black      Gold      Purple
Federal Assembly of Nouvelle Alexandrie	324 / 689

The Federal Humanist Party a centre-right and right-wing Humanist party operating in the Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie. Established in Parap on 21.XV.1692 AN as a merger of the Nationalist and Humanist Club of the Wechua Nation and various pro-government and federalist cadres in Alduria and Lyrica. Co-chairmen are Gerhardt Eugen Seydlitz and Felipe de Almagro, who replaced Augustus Strong in 1704 AN following the party's defeat in the general election of 1703.

In 1694 AN the FHP reported that it had received membership dues from 2,049,121 citizens of Nouvelle Alexandrie, including 431,666 enrolments in the youth and student branches of the Humanist Vanguard. In the elections of 1693 AN the party had received 47.7% of the total number of votes cast, making it the largest single party albeit one that fell short of being able to secure a majority to govern on its own.

History

Almagro as Leader

After leading a successful presidency until 1718 AN, Felipe subsequently became embroiled in a naval procurement scandal whilst serving as Secretary of Defense in the administration of his successor.

• Presidency of Felipe de Almagro (1708–1718)
• Presidency of Paolo Antonio Aguilar (1718–1729)

Zarzuela as Leader

• Administration of Premier Juan Pablo Jimenez (1739–1749)
• Administration of Premier José Manuel Montero (1750– )

Organisation

Overview

• Federal Humanist Party
  • Offices of the Archonate
    • Grand Convocation of Humanism
  • Central Secretariat
    • Corps d'Tirailleurs Alexandrin
    • Central Control Commission
    • Central Publishing Organisation
      • Le Nouveau Siècle
    • Association humaniste de voile de Nouvelle-Alexandrie
  • Regional Sector Parties (×12)
    • Regional Sector Party Leadership Cadre
    • N&H Vanguard Group
    • Young Humanists League
    • Association of Humanist Institutes
    • Chamber of Humanist Guilds and Corporations

Culture

Sartorial standards

In general terms, the business suit and tie, so favoured by politicians, is to be abhorred by members of the FHP. A civil cut of the N&H uniform is to be preferred - namely a plain black tunic with a mandarin collar, grey jodhpur trousers and brown leather boots. For headgear, men are expected to don a black fez or field cap, whilst women have a choice between the black turban, veil, or scarf to serve as a hair covering. A member of the FHP is expected to confirm to the party's standards for attire when engaged in party or public business, excepting occasions where a uniform of the royal court or the federal services is more appropriate.

As noted, the FHP enjoys dispensation for its membership to wear a civil cut of the N&H regulation uniform. This allows a certain freedom in the tailoring for following the trends of fashion and regional or cultural flare.

Ideology

Humanism

"The glory of humanity is that it can be pack and herd at once, and the greatest refinement, the one that permits surplus and complexity was the translation in predation from despoliation to husbandry."

—Alexander Melas, Lecture on the Human Supremacy, given at the Royal University of Parap, 1750 AN.

Humanist doctrine can be articulated in six axiomatic propositions:

Humanity alone among consequential terrestrial species has perfected collaborative predation to the point where it can systematically domesticate, breed, harvest, and redesign every other life-form and most inorganic processes. The translation of raw despoliation into husbandry is not merely an economic event; it is the ontological event that places Homo sapiens at the apex of the biosphere and, increasingly, the geosphere. All other species exist, in the final analysis, as substrates for human surplus extraction.

The capacity to generate, concentrate, and redeploy surplus energy is the only meaningful metric of supremacy. Civilisations that maximise surplus demonstrate their superiority by the sheer scale of transformed landscape, population density, monumental construction, and technological reach. Those that fail to do not merely decline; they forfeit their claim to supremacy and are rightly absorbed or erased by those who succeed.

Complex surplus extraction and allocation cannot occur without durable, stratified command structures. Hierarchy is therefore not a lamentable side-effect of civilisation; it is the enabling instrument of human dominion over the continents of Micras. Every attempt to flatten or abolish hierarchy has either collapsed into the barbarism of the Green or been violently terminated by the reimposition of order by a new elite. Supremacy and hierarchy are, in practice, synonymous.

Humanity is simultaneously the most ferocious pack predator and the most docile, scalable herd animal. This duality allows it to switch registers at will: to raid, innovate, and conquer as wolves, then to accumulate, administer, and compound as sheep. No other species possesses this double articulation. It is the biological root of planetary mastery.

Sentience, suffering, or ecological “balance” in other species possesses no intrinsic claim against human surplus requirements. The lamb exists for the shepherd, the forest for the lumber mill, the river for the turbine. Any ethic that places non-human claims on equal footing with human supremacy is a form of civilisational auto-immune disease. The conservation of any portion of nature is therefore not on account of the flora and fauna that might be the immediate subject of preservation, but rather because humans arise from and operate within the ultimate complex system – nature itself - and are entitled to the proper enjoyment of it thereof in its authentic context.

Because human desire is effectively infinite while terrestrial resources are finite, the only consistent expression of supremacy is continual outward expansion (geographical, demographic, technological, and eventually extra-planetary). Any steady-state, zero-growth, or “sustainable” posture is a renunciation of supremacy and an invitation to be overtaken by a less scrupulous lineage of the species.

From these six propositions a complete doctrine follows naturally: Micras and all its contents are rightfully the estate of mankind. The proper order of humanity is one that maximises surplus, refines hierarchy, and accelerates expansion.

Any ideology, movement, or technical arrangement that impedes these imperatives (deep ecology, rhizomatic anarchism, thermodynamic resignation, animal rights absolutism) is objectively treason against the project that is the Human Supremacy.

The supreme political virtue is therefore the statesmanship that safeguards and enlarges the conditions of surplus: strong property rights, elite circulation disciplined by merit and ruthlessness, continuous scientific domination of nature, and the willingness to deploy overwhelming violence against any internal or external challenge to the chain of command.

This is not a doctrine that requires mystical justification or promises utopian reward. It requires only the cold recognition that humanity has already won the tournament of species, and that the only remaining question is which human lineage will inherit the spoils.

Conservatism

Planetary mastery is not a permanent acquisition; it is a high-energy, high-maintenance condition that collapses the moment surplus extraction, elite competence, or demographic vigour falter. Conservatism is therefore the disciplined guardianship of the conditions of surplus.

Abstract universalism has never mobilised the loyalty required for large, durable polities. Real trust flows through blood, shared memory, language, ritual, and the lived experience of common descent. A political community that ceases to be a magnified kinship community begins to disintegrate.

Private, or at least lineage-controlled, property converts the hunter’s kill into the farmer’s herd, the raider’s loot into the estate, the entrepreneur’s profit into the family firm. Property is therefore sacred in the purely functional sense: it is the mechanism by which surplus is secured against immediate consumption and projected across generations.

Individuals die; firms fail; nations fracture. Only lineages (biological and adoptive) endure. Lineages will not, in and of themselves, be capable of thinking and acting in century and millennium-long horizons, but nonetheless heredity provides the vital linkage between the past, the present, and the future, which orientates the virtuous citizen towards a proper understanding of their role as the temporary custodian of the national community through which their legacy lives. Indeed a healthy polity is one in which great families endure, compete, intermarry, and replace one another without violent rupture.

The Rule of Law is the Domestication of Violence. Law is not a moral abstraction; it is the set of predictable rules that prevents the return of zero-sum despoliation. Its sole proper purpose is to protect property, lineage, and the hierarchy of competence so that collaborative predation remains productive rather than destructive.

The Nation is the optimal compromise between the dual impulses of the Pack and the Herd. Too small, and it cannot mobilise sufficient surplus or defend itself. Too large, and kinship ties dilute into imperial abstraction and alienation. The nation — a people defined by language, custom, shared historical narrative, and (usually) substantial common ancestry — is the largest unit that can still feel like an extended family and therefore command sacrificial loyalty.

Borders are non-negotiable because they defend the material and demographic conditions of the surplus generating economy.

Demographic continuity is a strategic imperative: a people that ceases to reproduce cedes the future to those who do.

Inheritance law, primogeniture or equitable partition, entail, trusts are conservative instruments because they prevent the rapid dissipation of family capital.

Education must above all transmit the specific cultural code of the national community while cultivating the predatory intelligence required for continued supremacy.

Religion and high culture, even when not literally believed, are indispensable as reinforcements of group cohesion. A polity that loses its culture loses its cohesion and will inevitably begin along the dark path towards dissolution.

Elites must be continually refreshed by merit but anchored in responsibility to the national community that can be guaranteed by arising from the same. Decadent or rootless elites are to be pruned without hesitation.

Federalism

National communities can however begin to form ties of mutual obligation and reciprocity based upon shared affinities and common interests. Whilst this process can only succeed if it authentic and organic – populations cannot just be intermingled and expected to bond – can yield economies of force and scale that permit national communities, united in a common purpose, to overmatch adversaries who might otherwise have proven a mortal threat to each nation singularly.

This is the genesis of Federalism, the political process and then ideology which allowed settler communities of the Alexandrian and Caputian diasporas of Alduria to find a common purpose with the Wechua Nation, for the latter to adopt the political institutions of the former, and vise versa the former to accept the monarchy of the latter.

Corporatism

Recognising that the origins of the Human Supremacy laid especially in the talent of the species for collaborative predation, Humanist theory within the FHP held that the motive force of human civilisation had a collective character that is wholly distinct from the needs and drives of an individual, in the sense that society comprises of a constellation of groups formed of individuals who have been inducted and indoctrinated into operating and thinking in a particular, necessary to the workings of the aforesaid organisation, for a common purpose. Almost any organisation, a grouping of people with a set remit and a way of working, irrespective of their precise legal standing, can be considered a corporate body. Relations between individuals within these organisations, and between the organisations themselves, are necessarily, by virtue of the disparities of power and access to the means of allocation and appropriation necessary for an organisation to operate, going to result in the formation of natural hierarchies of command and control, even in relationships that are transactional or governed ostensibly by democratic principles.

Within this framework, it is the Humanist contention that spontaneous human actions at the collective level do not simply occur without priming. Even the unruly mob intent upon riot and disorder must first assemble, determine their purpose, and fall under the sway of dominant personalities. This perspective explains the pronounced suspicion and hostility manifested by the FHP towards the supposedly structureless protest movements of the Nouveau Wave. In Humanist theory, no human enterprise begins or endures without the formation of cadres swiftly ensuing.

The state, especially a federation on the scale of Nouvelle Alexandrie, is as such neither an ungovernable chaos of individuals, nor a single ossified monolith, but it is instead a coalition of nested corporations with structures of command and control and hierarchies of obedience both theoretical and actual, which often times diverge. The Federation is accordingly best understood as an ecology of nested and overlapping corporate bodies, each with its own internal hierarchy, memory, immune response, and reproductive logic. None of them is fully sovereign, yet none is fully subordinate either. The resulting structure is neither a unitary Leviathan nor a mere aggregate of individuals; it is a tense, perpetually renegotiated oligopoly of power.

Whilst supporting the Federal political structures, the FHP also must operate with an awareness of the realities of power, and reflect this in its policies and decision making.

Humanists accordingly see the "market economy" of the Federation not as a abstract force, but as a specific ecosystem of corporate bodies (firms, corporations, financial institutions) whose primary, indoctrinated purpose is profit and efficiency. Their "common purpose," the reason they form and operate, is economic return. Their internal hierarchies are optimised to allocate resources (capital, labour) toward that end.

The Humanist led-state is itself the ultimate "corporate body" within the Federation. Its "set remit and way of working" is the exercise of sovereign power for the defence of the realm, stability, and long-term continuity. Its purpose is not profit, but sovereign perpetuation.

When a market-driven, cost-effective solution is absent or unreliable due to "political factors unrelated to market forces" (e.g., dependence on a geopolitical rival, vulnerability to embargoes, or simple lack of commercial incentive), the state's purpose comes into direct conflict with the market's purpose.

Recognising this, the Humanist would have government use its hierarchical power to re-purpose key corporate bodies within its domain. It would circumvent the market not by destroying it, but by creating a parallel, state-directed structure within it, a structure where the metric of success is not cost-effectiveness, but readiness and sovereign control.

This ensures the hypothetical capability is "on hand when needed" because the state has made its existence a non-negotiable part of the national corporate body's function, insulating it from the fickle logic of a market that is blind to political risk.

At the regional level, even in peace time, the FHP strongly encourages corporate bodies to align with Human Supremacy through the sponsoring of Chamber of Humanist Guilds and Corporations organised by the subordinate Regional Sector Parties.

Internationalism

As below, so above. The FHP conceptualisation of collaborative predation mediated through corporatism is integral to its approach to global stage. Far from being beholden to formal and technical definitions of sovereignty, the Humanist must first identify where power effectively resides.

FHP governments

• Presidency of Augustus Strong
• Presidency of Gerhardt Eugen Seydlitz
• Presidency of Felipe de Almagro
• Presidency of Paolo Antonio Aguilar
• Administration of Premier Juan Pablo Jimenez
• Administration of Premier José Manuel Montero