1716–1717 Hurmu political crisis

The 1716–1717 Hurmu political crisis began on 13.XII.1716 with a strike by the Union of Industrial Workers' Associations, and culminating in the resignation of Patrik Djupvik and prime minister on 5.XV.1716 (after the Social and Democratic Party left government).

General strike

The strike by the Union of Industrial Workers' Associations began on 13.XII.1716 after a failure of the union and the employers' organization to agree to a collective agreement with regard to working hours, salaries, work environment (health and safety), pension and social security payments, and so on.

It was quickly joined by the Union of Agricultural Workers' Associations and the Union of Textile Workers' Associations, who demanded the similar demands as to the Industrial Workers, making the strike a

As such, most of Hurmu's export production came to a stall, as well as the production of domestic consumption of food and goods.

Humanist intervention

From 10.XIV.1716 AN, groups of Honoured Sons and Humanist Vanguard cadets, armed with cudgels, iron bars, and wooden staves, have been observed assisting the Hurmu Constabulary in breaking up pickets, blockades, and wildcat strikes, in an effort to unjam the frozen logistic supply chains. The leadership of the Hurmu Constabulary subsequently expressed a willingness to deputise anyone willing to provide security for the critical supply distribution centres of the Lake District.

SDP leaves government

The Unions called upon the Social and Democratic Party of Hurmu (SDP) to leave the government. Protests in working-class areas of Hurmu started focusing on the treachery of the Social and Democratic Party in propping up a government that was so establishmentist and Senatorial. Protests wanted a more democratic Hurmu, with more social rights and policies for its people. Instead, the government focused its attentions on bringing the libertarian state of Oportia into a free-trade régime with Hurmu. This was the antithesis of what the Unions wanted (and needed). Rashid Hasanzadeh, leader of the SDP, held a speech for the members of the SDP, in which he defended his ministers remaining in the government. "In government, we can accomplish much more than we could ever do in opposition. Every day we are fighting against humanism, ensuring that the worst aspects of humanist economy never comes into fruition. Hurmu needs the SDP in government."

On 5.XV.1716, Rashid Hasanzadeh and the SDP ministers left the cabinet after they could no longer stand up against the grassroots, and called upon the Assembly of Representatives to declare no confidence in Prime Minister Patrik Djupvik.

Government resignation

Immediately after the SDP exodus from government, Patrik Djupvik wished to by-pass a possible humiliating defeat in the Assembly of Representatives. As such, he thought that if he resigned before the vote, he would remain in a care-taking role and other parties could still negotiate with him in forming a new government under his direction.

He informed the Speaker of the Assembly and the Senate later the same evening, on 5.XV.1716, that he had resigned as Prime Minister of Hurmu. Under the constitution of Hurmu, he would remain caretaker prime minister until a new prime minister had been inaugurated.

Caretaker government

As caretaker prime minister Patrik Djupvik appointed four new people to his cabinet along with a minor reshuffle. Ezabel Kaaq, who had only joined a few months earlier as Minister for Moorland, was moved to Minister of Labour. Kaaq had good credentials for the position – she was considered a pragmatic anti-Humanist (who can cooperate with her enemies when values align), and highly popular in the labour movement due to her trade union credentials and history of fighting humanism and right-wingism in Free Elwynn.

Meanwhile, Daniyal al-Osman, former prime minister, returned to cabinet for the first time since 1713, this time as Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs, and would immediately oversee the budget process for the 1717 fiscal year. The government earnestly wished for a budget to be passed before the end of the year, so that there would be no shut-down of "federal" agencies and authorities. Djupvik hoped that with al-Osman steering the budget, al-Osman could use his appeal and popularity among the more right-winger parts of the Assembly to agree at least not to oppose the caretaker government budget.

Moreover, Djupvik also appointed, on advice from Humanist leadership, Temüjin al-Osman, son of Daniyal al-Osman and Ghawetkiin Enkhjargal, to fill Kaaq's former position of Minister for Moorland. With this appointment, three members of the same family were now ministers in the same cabinet.

Commissioner Viric Merrick was appointed Minister for Transprinitica after Rashid Hasanzadeh's resignation. Finally, Senator Asmila Avon-El, being popular with the business sector of Hurmu, was appointed Minister of Industry as a counterweight to Kaaq's labour activism.

Djupvik reminded all ministers at the first cabinet meeting following the reshuffle that the government takes decisions collectively, and that all members are bound by collective responsibility.

At the same time, the Phineonesian Confederation offered assistance under Article 5 of the Tanah Tōnán'hyôrï Treaty to aid the peace-keeping efforts in Tanah Tōnán'hyôrï, Amaland, and Karnamark. The Hurmu Peace Corps began planning for the establishment of a Tōnán'hyôrïan Regiment and a regiment of Phineaners born in or otherwise associated with the territory.

Government formation

When trying to form a new majority, Djupvik ensured, firstly, he could count with humanist support for the reminder of the senatorial/assembly term. Both their parties had an interest in avoiding elections during the political and trade union crisis, as opinion polls did not look favourably upon their parties. The leadership of their parties convened to discuss various options.

Djupvik initially thought that the most logical choice would be to seek support from Mondo. If the Excluded Middle and Mondo Party of Hurmu supported the government, the government would have a stable majority. After a leak to the press stated that Djupvik had suggested that Mondo be appointed Minister of Cake as payment for support, Djupvik and his people were ridiculed and dared not actually pursue the plan.

The second option was to engage with the Society of Yeshua, Blue Skies, and the Post-Verionist Movement. These parties did not have great support, and while they were generally supportive of pragmatic negotiations with the government on forming a new coalition, the plan failed on account of the mutual mistrust of the Society of Yeshua and the Post-Verionist Movement towards one another.

Finally, Djupvik and his deputy prime minister Ghawetkiin Enkhjargal invited the small Lakkvian parties Koos and the Moderate Party for negotiations. If Koos and the Moderates would join the government, the new government would have 50 seats against the opposition's 49. Koos and the Moderates accepted the invitation for negotiations, on the basis of what was best for Hurmu.

"Hurmu needs a government. We are willing to take that responsibility when no one else in the opposition is", they said in a press conference, while also urging the protesters calm. "The political process now needs to take its time, and once a government is place, we can look at the not at all unreasonable requests of the labour movement."

In the negotiations, Koos and the Moderate Party, fearful of the diminishment of Lakkvian culture and language in every-day Hurmu life, pushed for stronger rights and protections of the Lakkvian language. The parties suggested that only three languages should be official on a country-wide level – Hurmu Norse, Lakkvian and Istvanistani. Representatives of speakers of many other languages took offence at this, but the parties continued to press on Lakkvian language and culture protections and privileges. It became clear that any further negotiations were fruitless.

At this point, Mondo flew to Huyenkula and held an impassioned speech in the Senate regarding the political situation. He reached out to Patrik Djupvik and offered help in securing a way forward for Hurmu. Negotiations were then held in a backroom to the senate chamber, between Patrik Djupvik, Mondo, and Ghawetkiin Enkhjargal. The three agreed to establish a United–Humanist–CDH–Edasi coalition government, where Mondo would be named Minister for Samhold, and tehre would be extra focus on education, re-education, invention, technology, innovation and digital communications in the next coalition. Mondo promised that the EMMP would agree to a supply-and-confidence arrangement. The three then shook hands. This occurred on the evening of 8.XV.1716.

It became evident the next morning that the parties had not agreed on a prime minister. During a tea break, on the morning of 9.XV.1716, Enkhjargal whispered to Djupvik that the humanists no longer had confidence in him, and that a humanist prime minister was needed. Djupvik could not let the fragile government fall on such a principle, and felt forced to accept. He agreed to retire. Enkhjargal then left the Palace of the Elenaran and travelled via the Hurmu gate to meet with the humanist leadership of Hurmu at Kaupang to decide on the new prime minister candidate. At first, they considered re-appointing the previous prime minister, Daniyal al-Osman, but the general feeling was that he had grown old and unenergetic. Next, Isabella III Güntherdohtor Merrick was considered, but she declined the nomination. Finally, after moving several other candidates, the cadres agreed on Jamshid-e Osman, who at the time was the Grand Vizier of Raspur. Later that day, the Speaker of the Assembly met with the Mondo, Djupvik and Enkhjargal, and the speaker's guests informed the speaker of their agreement.

On 10.XV.1716, the Speaker informed the Assembly of his intention to nominate Jamshid-e Osman to the office of Prime Minister of Hurmu, "who intends to form a government consisting of representatives from the United Ayreonist–Traditionalist Faction, the Humanist Faction, Edasi Hurmu, and the Coalition for Democratic Humanism".

The proposal received a second reading on the 11th, and then again on the 12th, with voting scheduled on the 13th.

On the 13th, the Assembly voted on the question whether to nominate Jamshid-e Osman to the office of Prime Minister of Hurmu, "who intends to form a government consisting of representatives from the United Ayreonist–Traditionalist Faction, the Humanist Faction, Edasi Hurmu, and the Coalition for Democratic Humanism".

The Assembly voted as follows:

Party	Aye	Nay	Abstain
Edasi	19	6
Coalition for Democratic Humanism	18
Conservative Party		18
Social and Democratic Party		8
Excluded Middle and Mondo Party	7
Communist Workers' Party		5
Society of Yeshua			4
Koos			4
Hizb ul-ʿUmrāti		3
Moderate Party			3
Post-Verionist Movement		2
Blue Skies			2
Total	44	42	9

While the nomination passed, the results came as a surprise to everyone. Koos and the Moderates abstained, in line with their policies of not prolonging the government formation. They maintained however that they were opposition parties, and would reserve the right to vote for no confidence in the government at any given moment. They expected more Lakkvian language and culture rights in the new government programme. The Society of Yeshua abstained, for reasons of familiarity and collaboration with the CDH. Blue Skies were believed to have been bullied into abstaining.

Six members of the Edasi Hurmu backbencher delegation voted against the party line, pushed on by Ezabel Kaaq. They opposed the fact that a humanist prime minister was nominated while the Edasi Hurmu delegation was much larger. They signalled their displeasure thus. They had also preferred an alternative government, one where the humanists were replaced by other parties, such as the Conservatives, and that the new government would take a more accepting view of the protests and the concerns of the protesters.

Siseranism, Arrests, Sankt Ludwigshafen

See also 1716 Siseranist arrests in Hurmu

While the government fell and a new one tried to be formed, the Hurmu Constabulary conducted raids on people with an alleged association with worship of Sisera. This led to protests from Sankt Ludwigshafen, which the government was unable to articulate responses to, with the caretaker government not having much agenda, and teh Hurmu Constabulary acting a bit more vigilante than usual – with support from the Humanist Vanguard Division, it was difficult for the government to assess what had actually happened and what remained rumours. The government of Sankt Ludwigshafen was not happy with Hurmu's lacklustre responses, and filed protests with the Xäiville Convention. After the Convention states failed to act quickly against Hurmu in a manner that Sankt Ludwigshafen wished for, Sankt Ludwigshafen promptly left the Convention, becoming the first country in Xäiville Convention history to leave it. Chaos broke out in Sankt Ludwigshafen, and Simon Schafenweide died in the midst of that. His wife, Charlène Jolicoeur-Schafenweide, decided to return to Hurmu.

Continued protests

Meanwhile, there were continued protests and strikes across Hurmu. Religious organizations, especially those associated with Umraism, protested against the perceived lack of religious freedom, and mosques around the country preached civil disobedience for the Umraist population of Hurmu against the authorities of Hurmu.

The new secretary of state for external relations, Milo Enujohanenion, a Church of Elwynn cleric and theologian, was dispatched to Tyrador to try calm relations with Umraists. He returned from a scheduled meeting with the Chief Mufti of Hurmu, only to be rejected from even entering the Mufti's property.

The Chief Mufti was doubtless surprised to be awoken at dawn on the following day by the mariners and dockworkers of the HPC's 150th Port and Maritime Regiment hammering down the door to his property with mallets and pickaxes whilst a commercial bulldozer in the charge of officers of the Auxiliary Division of the Hurmu Constabulary attended to creating new and interesting openings for the exterior walls of that same property. As the disorientated man was led by his beard out of his home in his nightshirt, past his family who had been obliged to lay face down in the rubble by the auxiliary constables, a writ of summons was pressed into his hands as he was bundled into the back of a BUDF Snatch Land Rover for a drive to the train station and the next Apollonian Express service to Ghawlama.

It was soon widely reported that the Chief Mufti had been summoned for his part in a conspiracy to assault the secretary of state by forcibly laying hands upon him when preventing his meeting with the mufti on the preceding day.