Corum War
| Florian Corum Offensive | |||||||
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| Part of Operation Dominion Tide | |||||||
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| Belligerents | |||||||
 Floria Supported by: |  Confederacy of the Dispossessed
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| Units involved | |||||||
| Florian Fleet Command Elements of Western Command | |||||||
| Strength | |||||||
| 300,000 | |||||||
| Casualties and losses | |||||||
| 42,000 killed 88,000 wounded 950 armored vehicles 37 aircraft 7 naval vessels | 65,000 killed 90,000+ wounded |
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The Corum War, part of Operation Dominion Tide, is an ongoing military conflict that began on 1747.13 AN when Floria's launched a wide scale offensive to claim the large unclaimed elements of land in Corum and effectively expand Floria's overseas territory to the extent it nearly becomes as large as metropolitan Floria itself. The operation has been planned by the UPR since the Hutchinson administration and was disrupted by the Second Florian Civil War, which in turn disrupted military growth.
The conflict represents the culmination of Floria's escalating ambitions to become a global superpower with presence all across Southern Micras with Antarctic claims already made near the South Pole, with Ralgonese entry into the war marking similar ambitions in parallel to its own interests. Following the resignation of President Hutchinson and the establishment of an authoritarian government led by Ronald Trueman Jr. and Rachael Halpburg with denied support of the FNVP. The Trueman Administration's implementation of the "Blitzkrieg" policy in foreign affairs has put Floria in the midst of global tensions again since Operation Green Marauder.
After many months of preparation and naval exercises around the continent, Floria advanced into the unclaimed territory at fast pace until forces was hit by heavy resistance from the Confederacy of the Dispossessed. After Confederate intervention President Trueman Jr. declared full declaration of war against the group bringing Corum into war for the first time in history with military and economic support from the Imperial Federation.
Background
For decades, vast expanses of Western Corum remained unclaimed, bordering New Batavia,East Zimia and the Wallis Islands and Kurum Ash-Sharqia. The region boasts abundant natural resources, particularly metals and offshore oil reserves, which have garnered increasing interest from Floria. In metropolitan areas, Floria’s resources have begun to strain. With the land still largely unclaimed, Floria’s government and military planners perceived this as an opportunity to expand their influence and secure essential resources for long-term growth.
After consolidating power at home after the Second Florian Civil War and reforming its military into four major operational commands (East, West, Central, and Fleet), Floria began to look outward. Corum, sparsely settled and politically fragmented, was identified as a low-risk target compared to challenging established rivals elsewhere. Initial exploration missions in the early 1740s confirmed resource potential, and in 1747, the Florian government authorised a military campaign to seize and hold key areas in the unclaimed western land.
Despite being “unclaimed” on paper, Corum was not empty. The coasts and islands were frequented by privateers, smuggling clans, and separatist militias that thrived in the power vacuum all of which cooperated under the Confederacy of the Dispossessed. When Floria announced its intention to establish a protectorate in Western Corum, resistance quickly organised. Devils Island, part of the Imperial Federation, long a haven for raiders became a flashpoint, as use of it meant dominance over nearby sea lanes.
Floria launched its first phase of the campaign with exploratory patrols and planned forward base construction in Devils Island. These moves were immediately contested at sea, leading to small skirmishes with irregular Confederate forces. When intelligence revealed that Devils Island was being targeted by hostile elements, Floria escalated, deploying a full task force under Fleet Command to seize it. The naval battle that followed marked the war’s official outbreak, as Florian forces moved from limited expeditionary actions into a full-scale military invasion.
Events
As the Florian offensive pushed deeper into unclaimed Corum territory, Devils Island emerged as the first major maritime objective. With assistance of the Imperial Federation, full control was established over this decisive island in an early, hard-fought victory for the campaign.
Situated off the coast, the island offers both a natural harbor and a forward staging point for future operations inland. Belonging to the Imperial Federation, it housed a major naval base by 1725 AN and a large penal colony comprised most of the rest of the island group near Devil's Island. Used as a dumping ground of sorts for political undesirables in the aftermath of the Ralgonese War of Succession (itself ending in 1715 AN), with more wealthy individuals being deported to the much more hospitable Bomei Island instead. Unlike most other penal colonies, the harsh environment of Devil's Island, its surrounding areas, and distance from the mainland assured authorities that the majority of the population would go nowhere.
The island was ceded to Cakaristan as part of a marriage treaty between Emperor Anarion and Qasima in 1719 AN, and retroceded between 1737 AN and 1739 AN after the events of the Jaihabar Vortex resulted in the island's governance becoming untenable at the time. During all three phases of its occupation, the inhabitants were generally left to their own devices. During this time, development on the island was largely confined to the air and naval base present on the island, with the exception of its principal settlements. Most Ralgonese personnel not in the penal colony remained in Beihagh after the Ralgonese formally took full control by 1740 AN.
Because of its turbulent history, the Ralgonese were unable to extend their full control beyond the island's harbor, naval base, and administrative centers. Neither did the central government care, so long as its military assets remained unbothered. As such, the island's inland and maritime border controls became porous, allowing for people and weapons to move on and off the island with near-impunity. By 1748 AN, the situation regarding increasingly hostile Confederacy activity at reached the Imperial Court. However, its forces on the islands were not large enough to decisively crush rebel, pirate, and other hostile groups that had entrenched themselves on the main island and outlying rocky islands. As such, it allowed Florian authorities to come into the island and aid in restoring maritime governance in the region as part of its own operations in expanding into mainland Corum.
Recognizing the strategic importance of these islands, Floria struck an agreement with the Ralgonese regarding the upcoming military campaigns on Corum, particularly in territorial concessions made by each party in anticipation of victory. With an agreement signed in secret by both parties, Floria promptly dispatched a task force under its Fleet Command, combining amphibious assault ships, destroyers, and fast-attack craft, with the target being the landward side of the Devil's Islands, namely on the main island that bore the same name.
The approach, however, was met with unexpectedly fierce resistance, consisting of hardened Ralgonese rebels, Confederacy forces, and various pirate groups on the island. The Confederacy of the Dispossessed moved to intercept the Florian armada while Ralgonese ships were still in transit to the region in force, hoping to defeat each power in detail. What followed was the first major naval clash of the campaign. Florian destroyers established a perimeter, using advanced radar systems to detect incoming fast-attack boats attempting to swarm the landing group. Heavy naval guns and precision missile strikes lit up the seas, as the Florians worked to keep the enemy at bay long enough for amphibious landing craft to push toward the beaches of Devils Island. The Ralgonese arrived soon after, with their own warships sinking a great part of the Confederacy fleet with their combined force. This action secured the region and allowed the Florians to establish a significant joint base camp on the island proper. The 12th and 13th Divisions of the Imperial Marines arrived soon after to aid in regaining hard control over the island to prevent Confederacy forces from harassing units using the island's safe harbors.
Air support from both allies played a decisive role. Carrier based fighters and maritime patrol aircraft conducted strike runs, sinking several hostile vessels before they could close the distance. Despite this, pockets of resistance broke through, forcing close range firefights as Florian corvettes engaged enemy boats with auto cannons and machine gun fire. The entry of the Imperial Federation's main fleet of warships into the fight near Devil's Island secured a decisive victory. Establishing full control over the islands marked an early, joint victory within the wider Corum campaign. Securing the island ensured Floria and its Ralgonese allies could now maintain a permanent, overwhelming naval presence off the coast and safeguard maritime supply lines for the army advancing inland.
Invasion and rapid advance
The war opened with a large-scale amphibious and land assault. Fleet Command secured Devils Island after a major naval engagement, while the Florian Army advanced quickly along the coastline, capturing several small ports and former settlements. Early official statements suggested the campaign would be completed within weeks.
Resistance and counteractions
Initial expectations of a swift Florian victory proved overly optimistic. While the landings on Devils Island and the northern coast met only scattered resistance, inland advances quickly bogged down due to the geography of northern Corum. Characterised by dense forests, rocky highlands, and patchwork river valleys, this terrain favoured the Confederate defenders.
Irregular militias, numbering several thousand fighters, regrouped beyond the coastal belt and launched a coordinated campaign of asymmetric warfare. Small bands used hit and run tactics, improvised explosive devices, and ambushes against vulnerable Florian convoys. Bridges and roads were destroyed to slow the movement of armoured columns, forcing Florian to divert significant engineering units to repair infrastructure and secure supply lines.
Several Florian armoured thrusts toward the interior resource zones were repelled. Reports indicated that at least two mechanised spearheads were cut off for days before being relieved by helicopter-borne troops. Resistance fighters also employed small, fast river craft to harass transport barges and amphibious units attempting to push supplies inland from the coast.
The logistical burden on Florian grew heavy. What began as an operation designed to showcase mobility and speed soon required static garrisons at every major junction, draining manpower from offensive operations. By the fourth month of the conflict, Florian maintained firm control of the immediate coastline but struggled to extend authority into the hinterland.
Intelligence analysts noted signs of foreign supplied weaponry among the resistance, including modern anti-armour systems and encrypted communications gear. This external assistance contributed to the resilience of local fighters and further complicated Florian operational planning.
Central Bay campaign
On 11.X.1748, 900 volunteers from the Republic of Matamoros landed in the center of the northern bay, facing a hastily-assembled battalion of militiamen from the nearby towns. Colonel Salvador Cueva proceeded to charge the Confederate positions, and quickly overran the barricades, forcing their retreat. The ensuing battle report estimated that the Matamorano forces had sustained 11 casualties, and the Corish forces up to 100, with an estimated 120 men still capable of fighting. Shortly after this success, Cueva established the Military Government of Northwest Corum to preserve order in the newly-conquered territories. By 19 Rugaall, Matamorano troops had reached the Mina Forest, cutting off Confederate forces in the northern peninsula.
Presidential Campaign Race
Floria constitutionally is a free democratic republic but in practise is an authoritarian regime. Whilst presidents come and go the UPR dominates the Florian political landscape. With the war still ongoing during Trueman Jr.s re-election campaign, Trueman has sustained immense pressure overseeing the war and seeking re-election despite being the first Florian UPR President in history to flawlessly win a UPR Presidential Primary.
The Social Democratic Party of Floria has heavily criticised the war since his first started and progressive Imogen Walsh has gained slight support in opinion polls in her anti war messaging. Trueman Jr. on the other hand has refused to withdraw troops out of Corum until there is 'no green' left.
Stalemate Amid Election Season
As the 1750 Florian general election campaign gathered momentum across the nation, the war ground into a frustrating stalemate. Months of offensives and counteroffensives had yielded little progress, with both armies entrenched along hardened frontlines. Commanders faced exhausted troops, strained logistics, and growing pressure from political leaders eager to frame the conflict in their campaign narratives. In the cities, the tone of the election was deeply shaped by the war’s stagnation. Candidates from all parties promised renewed focus on peace, accountability, and support for servicemen and their families. The Social Democrats emphasized diplomacy and reconstruction, arguing that the prolonged fighting only weakened the nation’s economic and moral standing. The UPR countered with a message of resolve and national strength, insisting that withdrawal before victory would undermine the sacrifices already made. Yet at the front, neither side possessed the momentum to break the deadlock. Artillery duels became routine, patrols contested the same ruined towns week after week, and the human cost continued to rise with little to show for it.
For the ordinary citizen, the election became as much a referendum on the war as on domestic policy. Every debate, every speech, and every campaign rally carried the shadow of the stalemate. Many hoped that a new mandate from the people might finally bring direction whether toward a negotiated peace or a renewed push for victory. Behind closed doors, military and political leaders alike understood the stakes: whichever candidate prevailed would inherit not only a increasingly divided nation, but also a war that had long since outgrown its original aims.
International reactions
Bassaridia Vaeringheim
In the aftermath of the Baratar Scandal, the Council of Kings moved swiftly to reinforce Bassaridia Vaeringheim’s constitutional prohibitions on extraterritorial weapons exports. A formal communiqué condemned the shipments as unlawful and initiated compliance reviews of the Baratar Corporation and the Jogi-based Independent Consortium implicated in the network. Audit authorities extended scrutiny to customs declarations, bonded warehouses, and intermediary freight documentation. Diaspora communities across Corum were advised to remain calm and to maintain lawful neutrality, with the Council underscoring its commitment to their protection.
Diplomatic messaging emphasized de-escalation and civilian safety. Diaspora leaders echoed this position, disavowing any association with the illicit transfers and highlighting their cultural—rather than political—role in Corum. Observers warned that pressure on these communities would risk disproportionate humanitarian consequences. Analysts noted that while Bassaridia concentrated on legal clarity and institutional oversight, the initial Florian decision to advance militarily into Corum created additional uncertainties on the ground.
On 8/1/52 PSSC, the Haifan Bassaridia Division executed a narrowly focused operation in Jogi to secure contraband caches and apprehend organizers connected to the Independent Consortium. The operation proceeded with minimal disruption and avoided collateral harm, reinforcing regulatory sovereignty without escalation. In parallel, the Council of Kings Division deployed a limited naval–air task group into the Sea of Storms to safeguard shipping between Keltia and Corum, concentrating on convoy escort, reconnaissance, and mine safety. Humanitarian elements were held in reserve, highlighting capacity without offensive intent.
On 11/1/52 PSSC, the Straits Conventions of 52.06 PSSC entered into force, codifying maritime standards that included environmental protections, vessel declarations, and oversight of dual-use and expedited cargo. Subsequent technical annexes recognized White-Lane humanitarian and essential-goods corridors with neutral observer access and an expedited appeals track (HCE → SCT → SAC), making audited relief transits the default rules-based mode in the Straits System. As part of broader customs modernization, the HCE introduced risk-based auditing frameworks for high-sensitivity goods and for logistics firms operating in unstable environments, enabling third-party verification of humanitarian convoy manifests and movements without militarizing them.
On 13/1/51 PSSC, the Council of Kings and the Temple Bank of the Reformed Stripping Path announced that a limited, non-combatant missionary mission—already underway—had been deployed exclusively to districts in northern and central Corum (former New Zimian and Gamesman territories). To demonstrate a clear break with Haifo-Pallisican-era practices, the mission was placed under a single civilian religious chain of command, structurally segregated from the War League in transport, communications, finance, and facilities. A published district map geofenced operations away from front lines with automated no-go buffers; neutral observers were granted standing access. Public rosters and kit manifests—explicitly excluding encrypted radios, UAVs, and dual-use sensors—were lodged with the Haifa Compliance Exchange (HCE) for spot checks. Weekly summaries reported locations served, aid delivered, and observer attestations, with contingency protocols specifying non-military extraction via neutral intermediaries upon credible threats. The deployment comprised 118 personnel organized as follows: one Kleisthenes (25) each from the Celestial Harmony Sect, Reverie Nebulous, Temple Alabaster, and Sanctum Delphica; plus one Dodekade (12) and one Hetairos (6) from the Order of the Umbral Oracle. Mandated tasks were restricted to relief, education, and reconciliation; no intelligence collection, liaison with armed groups, or logistics for belligerents was permitted.
Later the same day, following confirmation of the missionary deployment, the High Priestess of the Temple of Vaeringheim delivered a [Baratar Scandal of 52 PSSC#Full Text of the High Priestess’ Address|public address] to the Florian government. The statement warned that Floria’s campaign undermined its stated goals by increasing civilian harm, strengthening diaspora bonds, and eroding claims to moral high ground. The address urged withdrawal to regain credibility and was interpreted as a compassionate but direct caution consistent with Bassaridia’s neutrality doctrine.
On 18/1/52 PSSC, amid mounting international criticism of Florian military operations, the Merchant General extended an open invitation to observers from Nouvelle Alexandrie and Oportia to accompany select White-Lane humanitarian convoys at approved, geofenced sites under an HCE memorandum of understanding (mutual recognition of manifests/placards and liaison to the expedited appeals track). On 19/1/52 PSSC, both states formally accepted; their observers were immediately activated under HCE protocols to verify manifests and placards, attest to kit exclusions (no encrypted radios, UAVs, or dual-use sensors), and file attestations directly into the expedited appeals process. Their certified reports now form part of the permanent daily compliance record published by the HCE.
Building on this observer framework, on 28/1/52 PSSC private conversations between representatives of Bassaridia Vaeringheim and the Imperial Federation reaffirmed the IF–BVR alliance. The Imperial Federation accepted an invitation to join the HCE/Straits Conventions as observers and auditors, aligning alongside Nouvelle Alexandrie and Oportia. On 29/1/52 PSSC, IF auditors were formally deployed to the field, joining daily White-Lane operations and compliance monitoring under HCE authority. This development narrowed earlier analytical concerns about inconsistency by integrating IF oversight into the same transparent, rules-based mechanisms.
On 22/1/52 PSSC, the Council of Kings confirmed that it was considering amendments to the Bassaridian Constitution of 50.43 PSSC to codify the rights and privileges of diaspora communities—consolidating existing practice under constitutional law and affirming that peace through legal means, rather than adventurism, is the path to long-term order.
On 36/1/52 PSSC, the HCE issued a public health advisory citing heightened risks of respiratory illness in the Braxian and Nortonian Zones of Corum, where poor ventilation in underground settlements and seasonal damp increased vulnerability. The advisory called for expanded relief deployments under White-Lane protection—medical outreach, education, and nutritional support—emphasizing preventive, transparent, and civilian measures consistent with Bassaridia’s commitment to stabilization without escalation. In line with this advisory, the Council of Kings approved an expanded missionary deployment in compliance with HCE/Straits Conventions: personnel were increased by 50% relative to the existing 118-member force, including the addition of a new Kleisthenes representing Sanctum Vitalis. This proportional, strictly civilian surge demonstrated how humanitarian demand could be met under clear rules and verified oversight.
On 39/1/52 PSSC, the Council of Kings issued a formal invitation to Floria and Matamoros to participate in the White-Lane monitoring system under HCE/Straits Conventions authority. The invitation laid out three conditions for the immediate resolution of the conflict: recognition of humanitarian corridors and their immunity from interference; acknowledgment of diaspora rights and lawful protection under Bassaridian constitutional and international norms; and adherence to Straits Conventions oversight as the sole framework for maritime regulation in the Morovia–Haifa system. The Council emphasized that Bassaridia would take no offensive action beyond lawful enforcement and that peace could be secured at once if these obligations were accepted. Analysts described the statement as both invitation and warning: offering Floria and Matamoros a chance to realign with law and peace, while underscoring that continued adventurism risked classification as piracy under international maritime law.
Through late 1/52 PSSC, the HCE further enhanced public reporting: daily tables added unique case identifiers and concise “trigger” annotations explaining why specific actions were taken and how they linked to published legal bases, improving traceability across the HCE → SCT → SAC pipeline. Meanwhile, the War League continued deployments inside Bassaridia for disaster relief and stability tasks, underscoring that military activity remained distinct from missionary and humanitarian logistics in Corum.
As White-Lane corridors matured under neutral observation, attention turned to third-party roles along the Strait of Haifa. The integration of observers from Nouvelle Alexandrie, Oportia, and the Imperial Federation under HCE authority broadened the legitimacy of Bassaridia’s humanitarian deployments and ensured continuous international oversight of relief and missionary activities in Corum. At the same time, the Port of Corumia was integrated into the General Port of Lake Morovia system, offering structured export channels for diaspora communities. Regular trade bulletins emphasized reliability, transparency, and growth, strengthening Bassaridia’s reputation for orderly commerce. International watchdog organizations, encouraged to examine conditions in Corum, began reviewing the legality of military operations near diaspora settlements. Proposals for buffer zones around ecologically and culturally significant sites gained traction, narrowing the latitude for unilateral action.
Taken together, these measures demonstrated Bassaridia Vaeringheim’s ability to respond within constitutional limits while establishing frameworks that reassured merchants, protected diaspora populations, and shaped the norms of regional trade. Analysts widely contrasted this approach—anchored in legal reforms, transparent enforcement, and international oversight—with the Florian reliance on open military intervention, concluding that early misreadings of Corum’s complexity were corrected only where actors aligned with the White-Lane, HCE-supervised, rules-based order.
Other international reactions
Nouvelle Alexandrie: The Department of State expressed deep concern over Floria's military intervention in Corum, citing potential threats to regional stability during Oportia's ongoing disarmament process following the Fourth Euran War. Secretary of State Victoria Montalbán emphasized Nouvelle Alexandrie's commitment to protecting its allies through Operation Aglaia and the recently signed Île des Ombres Naval Base Treaty, stating that "unilateral military actions by Floria in Corum threaten the stability of nations well beyond its theater." The government warned against further Florian escalation that could draw additional powers into the conflict, citing the Baratar Scandal as evidence that the Confederacy of the Dispossessed's strengthening through Bassaridia Vaeringheim's military deployments as well as weapon and supply exports to Corum.
- Nouvelle Alexandrie: Following the activation of joint observer protocols under the Haifa Compliance Exchange, Secretary of State Victoria Montalbán praised the "constructive cooperation with Bassaridia Vaeringheim in establishing transparent humanitarian corridors." The Department of State emphasized that "the White-Lane framework demonstrates how multilateral oversight can ensure legitimate relief operations while preventing the kind of unauthorized transfers that initially complicated the Corum situation."
Oportia: Federal Representative Felicia Belanger condemned Floria's military aggression in Corum as a destabilizing force. Speaking at the Palais Federal, Belanger noted that "Floria's invasion has introduced dangerous unpredictability to Corum and beyond." The Belanger administration entered into the Île des Ombres Naval Base Treaty with Nouvelle Alexandrie and the Raspur Pact, touted by Belanger as "cooperation between democratic allies", contrasting sharply with what officials characterized as Floria's unilateral territorial expansion in Corum.[1]
- Oportia: Federal Representative Felicia Belanger welcomed the offer of participation in the Haifa Compliance Exchange observer program, noting that "this partnership with Bassaridia Vaeringheim shows how transparent, rules-based humanitarian assistance can operate." The Belanger administration noted that the joint monitoring framework "provides a model for improved and legitimate international cooperation that contrasts sharply with unilateral military interventions - unlike what Floria is doing now."
Natopia: Chancellor of Natopia Isabella Betancourt expressed grave concern over Floria's military operations in Corum, particularly given the proximity of hostilities to Naya Island, a fortified Imperial territory serving as a key Raspur Pact naval and aerospace facility. Chancellor Betancourt emphasized that "any military activities that threaten the security of Natopian sovereign territory or interfere with legitimate Raspur Pact or Concord Alliance operations will be met with appropriate defensive measures." The Natopian Defense Force confirmed enhanced readiness protocols at Naya Island's facilities, while Natopian officials warned that Floria's unilateral expansion could destabilize the continent. Natopia reaffirmed its commitment to Operation Aglaia and called for immediate de-escalation to prevent broader conflict that could threaten critical infrastructure and maritime routes.
