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1716–1717 Hurmu political crisis: Difference between revisions

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The second option was to engage with the [[Society of Yeshua]], [[Blue Skies]], and the [[Post-Verionist Movement in Hurmu|Post-Verionist Movement]]. These parties did not have great support, and while they were generally supportive of pragmatic negotiations with the government on forming a new coalition, the plan failed on account of the mutual mistrust of the [[Society of Yeshua]] and the [[Post-Verionist Movement in Hurmu|Post-Verionist Movement]] towards one another.  
The second option was to engage with the [[Society of Yeshua]], [[Blue Skies]], and the [[Post-Verionist Movement in Hurmu|Post-Verionist Movement]]. These parties did not have great support, and while they were generally supportive of pragmatic negotiations with the government on forming a new coalition, the plan failed on account of the mutual mistrust of the [[Society of Yeshua]] and the [[Post-Verionist Movement in Hurmu|Post-Verionist Movement]] towards one another.  


Finally, Djupvik and his [[Deputy Prime Minister of Hurmu|deputy prime minister]] [[Ghatwetkiin Enkhjargal]] invited the small Lakkvian parties [[Koos]] and the [[Moderate Party]] for negotiations. If Koos and the Moderates would join the government, the new government would have 50 seats against the opposition's 49. Koos and the Moderates accepted the invitation for negotiations, on the basis of what was best for Hurmu.
Finally, Djupvik and his [[Deputy Prime Minister of Hurmu|deputy prime minister]] [[Ghawetkiin Enkhjargal]] invited the small Lakkvian parties [[Koos]] and the [[Moderate Party]] for negotiations. If Koos and the Moderates would join the government, the new government would have 50 seats against the opposition's 49. Koos and the Moderates accepted the invitation for negotiations, on the basis of what was best for Hurmu.


"Hurmu needs a government. We are willing to take that responsibility when no one else in the opposition is", they said in a press conference, while also urging the protesters calm. "The political process now needs to take its time, and once a government is place, we can look at the not at all unreasonable requests of the labour movement."
"Hurmu needs a government. We are willing to take that responsibility when no one else in the opposition is", they said in a press conference, while also urging the protesters calm. "The political process now needs to take its time, and once a government is place, we can look at the not at all unreasonable requests of the labour movement."


{{Hurmu article}}
{{Hurmu article}}

Revision as of 14:01, 29 January 2023

The 1716 Hurmu political crisis began on 13.XII.1716 with a strike by the Union of Industrial Workers' Associations, and culminating in the resignation of Patrik Djupvik and prime minister on 5.XV.1716 (after the Social and Democratic Party left government).

General strike

The strike by the Union of Industrial Workers' Associations began on 13.XII.1716 after a failure of the union and the employers' organization to agree to a collective agreement with regard to working hours, salaries, work environment (health and safety), pension and social security payments, and so on.

It was quickly joined by the Union of Agricultural Workers' Associations and the Union of Textile Workers' Associations, who demanded the similar demands as to the Industrial Workers, making the strike a

As such, most of Hurmu's export production came to a stall, as well as the production of domestic consumption of food and goods.

Humanist intervention

From 10.XIV.1716 AN, groups of Honoured Sons and Humanist Vanguard cadets, armed with cudgels, iron bars, and wooden staves, have been observed assisting the Hurmu Constabulary in breaking up pickets, blockades, and wildcat strikes, in an effort to unjam the frozen logistic supply chains. The leadership of the Hurmu Constabulary subsequently expressed a willingness to deputise anyone willing to provide security for the critical supply distribution centres of the Lake District.

SDP leaves government

The Unions called upon the Social and Democratic Party of Hurmu (SDP) to leave the government. Protests in working-class areas of Hurmu started focusing on the treachery of the Social and Democratic Party in propping up a government that was so establishmentist and Senatorial. Protests wanted a more democratic Hurmu, with more social rights and policies for its people. Instead, the government focused its attentions on bringing the libertarian state of Oportia into a free-trade régime with Hurmu. This was the antithesis of what the Unions wanted (and needed). Rashid Hasanzadeh, leader of the SDP, held a speech for the members of the SDP, in which he defended his ministers remaining in the government. "In government, we can accomplish much more than we could ever do in opposition. Every day we are fighting against humanism, ensuring that the worst aspects of humanist economy never comes into fruition. Hurmu needs the SDP in government."

On 5.XV.1716, Rashid Hasanzadeh and the SDP ministers left the cabinet after they could no longer stand up against the grassroots, and called upon the Assembly of Representatives to declare no confidence in Prime Minister Patrik Djupvik.

Government resignation

Immediately after the SDP exodus from government, Patrik Djupvik wished to by-pass a possible humiliating defeat in the Assembly of Representatives. As such, he thought that if he resigned before the vote, he would remain in a care-taking role and other parties could still negotiate with him in forming a new government under his direction.

He informed the Speaker of the Assembly and the Senate later the same evening, on 5.XV.1716, that he had resigned as Prime Minister of Hurmu. Under the constitution of Hurmu, he would remain caretaker prime minister until a new prime minister had been inaugurated.

Caretaker government

As caretaker prime minister Patrik Djupvik appointed four new people to his cabinet along with a minor reshuffle. Ezabel Kaaq, who had only joined a few months earlier as Minister for Moorland, was moved to Minister of Labour. Kaaq had good credentials for the position – she was considered a pragmatic anti-Humanist (who can cooperate with her enemies when values align), and highly popular in the labour movement due to her trade union credentials and history of fighting humanism and right-wingism in Free Elwynn.

Meanwhile, Daniyal al-Osman, former prime minister, returned to cabinet for the first time since 1713, this time as Minister of Finance and Economic Affairs, and would immediately oversee the budget process for the 1717 fiscal year. The government earnestly wished for a budget to be passed before the end of the year, so that there would be no shut-down of "federal" agencies and authorities. Djupvik hoped that with al-Osman steering the budget, al-Osman could use his appeal and popularity among the more right-winger parts of the Assembly to agree at least not to oppose the caretaker government budget.

Moreover, Djupvik also appointed, on advice from Humanist leadership, Temüjin al-Osman, son of Daniyal al-Osman and Ghawetkiin Enkhjargal, to fill Kaaq's former position of Minister for Moorland. With this appointment, three members of the same family were now ministers in the same cabinet.

Commissioner Veric Merrick was appointed Minister for Transprinitica after Rashid Hasanzadeh's resignation. Finally, Senator Asmila Avon-El, being popular with the business sector of Hurmu, was appointed Minister of Industry as a counterweight to Kaaq's labour activism.

Djupvik reminded all ministers at the first cabinet meeting following the reshuffle that the government takes decisions collectively, and that all members are bound by collective responsibility.

At the same time, the Phineonesian Confederation offered assistance under Article 5 of the Tanah Tōnán'hyôrï Treaty to aid the peace-keeping efforts in Tanah Tōnán'hyôrï, Amaland, and Karnamark. The Hurmu Peace Corps began planning for the establishment of a Tōnán'hyôrïan Regiment and a regiment of Phineaners born in or otherwise associated with the territory.

Government formation

When trying to form a new majority, Djupvik ensured, firstly, he could count with humanist support for the reminder of the senatorial/assembly term. Both their parties had an interest in avoiding elections during the political and trade union crisis, as opinion polls did not look favourably upon their parties. The leadership of their parties convened to discuss various options.

Djupvik initially thought that the most logical choice would be to seek support from Mondo. If the Excluded Middle and Mondo Party of Hurmu supported the government, the government would have a stable majority. After a leak to the press stated that Djupvik had suggested that Mondo be appointed Minister of Cake as payment for support, Djupvik and his people were ridiculed and dared not actually pursue the plan.

The second option was to engage with the Society of Yeshua, Blue Skies, and the Post-Verionist Movement. These parties did not have great support, and while they were generally supportive of pragmatic negotiations with the government on forming a new coalition, the plan failed on account of the mutual mistrust of the Society of Yeshua and the Post-Verionist Movement towards one another.

Finally, Djupvik and his deputy prime minister Ghawetkiin Enkhjargal invited the small Lakkvian parties Koos and the Moderate Party for negotiations. If Koos and the Moderates would join the government, the new government would have 50 seats against the opposition's 49. Koos and the Moderates accepted the invitation for negotiations, on the basis of what was best for Hurmu.

"Hurmu needs a government. We are willing to take that responsibility when no one else in the opposition is", they said in a press conference, while also urging the protesters calm. "The political process now needs to take its time, and once a government is place, we can look at the not at all unreasonable requests of the labour movement."