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Çakaristan Times, 1758

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I - Exclusive interview with Mahyar Eshtiaq

Amid turbulent times, with various countries reacting to an announced nuclear test, our Vizier al-Harb, Mahyar Eshtiaq, has nevertheless found time to sit down with this newspaper for an exclusive interview. The Vizirat al-Harb is now based in Agra, in the former headquarters of the Collective Security Association. After an extensive security check to gain entry to the building and the usual courtesies of welcome, our journalist, Rouya Asayesh, and our Vizier al-Harb, Mahyar Eshtiaq, are seated in his office.

Rouya: “To get straight to the point: that nuclear test – is it really necessary?”

The Vizier grinned and visibly pondered how to phrase his reply.

Mahyar: “To begin with, we’re not impressed by all the squabbling from the Secretary of State of the Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie. They’ve got a lot to answer for in Cárdenas. But let’s break this down: our claim to Dromosker Island, which was in principle aimed at cooperation with the Imperial Federation – see the Pact of Schaarlecht – did not seem to be gaining international recognition. Added to that was the contempt shown by the prince. The prince apparently thought he was still lord and master and scorned the rule of our Shahanshah. We therefore intervened, because we do not accept such contempt for our Shahanshah, may he live forever.

When it became apparent that Nouvelle Alexandrie was making an issue of this and saw it as a reason to sever diplomatic ties, we realised long ago that this was a flimsy excuse. An island that would not be claimed by Nouvelle Alexandrie. Except that we may have underestimated the close ties between the Imperial Federation and Nouvelle Alexandrie as allies within the Raspur Pact. This was indeed confirmed when another Raspur Pact nation claimed the island.”

Rouya: “It’s hardly a surprise that the Raspur Pact is still active as an alliance, is it? I mean, operations are still being carried out under that banner.”

Mahyar: “That’s a sharp observation on your part, and it’s certainly true. However, there is a big difference between an alliance that plans operations and one that responds jointly to a current situation. We make no secret of the fact that we believe the Raspur Pact, in particular, poses a threat to peace and security on Micras; history is on our side here. It is the Raspur Pact that has carried out multiple antimatter orbital bombardments on cities. Although this was some time ago, the delusion that the Raspur Pact behaves as a unipolar superpower still persists.

They suddenly announced a ‘goodwill cruise’. The idea that this would pose no threat to us is, of course, nonsense. A military exercise near our waters, involving islands that are indisputably under our flag, is reckless and irresponsible. You may call it ‘goodwill’, but it is reckless. Not a single notification, whether secret or diplomatic, was conveyed by the participating countries. If that is their idea of being friendly, then I can well understand the overreaction to a press release.”

Rouya: “That overreaction, whether justified or not, did lead to a diplomatic rift with Nouvelle Alexandrie. Wouldn’t it have been better to exercise restraint and not announce a nuclear test, or at least not in the region of the Skerry Isles and Wilhelm Isles?”

Mahyar: “That rift is entirely one-sided and there is a complete lack of decorum. That is a far cry from the treaty: ‘Any difference of interpretation of any Article or Articles of this Treaty which may arise between the High Contracting Parties will be settled bilaterally by peaceful means in a spirit of mutual respect and understanding.’ If another nation expects us to abide by the agreements, then set a good example.”

Rouya interrupted the Vizier, asking: “Do we not, then, have a secret understanding that limits the expansion of both countries?”

Mahyar: “True, an agreement has been concluded regarding the restriction of expansion. It is also true that we have occasionally been reined in when attempting to lay claim to certain parts of Micras. For instance, we once had plans to lay claim to what is now New Caputia. Nouvelle Alexandrie claimed that for itself. We wanted to expand there following the fall of the Dark Berry Islands, because we wanted to protect the population and that land from tyranny. Although Nouvelle Alexandrie had no stake in the matter, they objected. The only area where we were successful was the eastern island of Lija, which was divided between Nouvelle Alexandrie and us following the fall of Lostisland.

It is very difficult to follow to the letter a secret agreement that has not been clearly set out in writing anywhere. Whether the Skerry Isles and Wilhelm Isles were excluded as a whole or as they were at the time is precisely the difference in interpretation. We consistently assessed whether we would be harming Nouvelle Alexandrie’s interests. Secret reports indicated that Nouvelle Alexandrie would not expand any further, but they did so anyway. We did not confront Nouvelle Alexandrie about this, as we had no interest in doing so.”

Rouya: “You don’t think that we, as a nation, have acted wrongly”

Mahyar: “Well, we’re only human, after all. But bear in mind: we’ve offered help to the people of Nouvelle Alexandrie on several occasions. We provided support following the eruption of Mount Broadshaw and during the medicine shortages. We gained nothing from this, whilst Nouvelle Alexandrie reaped economic benefits from the construction of the Strait Tunnel. So tell me, which country is the friendliest now?”

Rouya: “But surely it’s unfriendly to announce a nuclear test?”

Mahyar: “Secrets are already out in the open here anyway. That’s why I might as well let you in on this: there won’t be a nuclear test at all. This is a test, but not a nuclear one.”

Rouya: “Huh? Didn’t your vizirat announce a nuclear test?”

Mahyar: “Listen. When we announce a military exercise, we do so in advance, with a notice and as part of the standard schedule of biennial exercises. Take the Voltarno naval exercise, for example. Our naval vessels have only just set sail away from Lija. People could have known that no military exercise or nuclear test was going to take place at all.”

Rouya: “But you’re saying: ‘this is a test’?”

Mahyar: “Correct. A test to see how other nations would react to such an announcement. Which groups would take action. Which diplomatic channels would be pursued. Who would get nervous? That is what was being tested.”

Rouya: “And was it a success?”

Mahyar: “Certainly. I cannot reveal all the details, but that part was certainly a success. A nation is being goaded into approaching us, even though that nation is 1,572 km away from the so-called nuclear test. The population is being frightened, even though no information was available about the scale of the test. Hysteria – that is what is happening.”

Rouya: “Now people will say this is being said as an excuse to call off the nuclear test. What is your response to that?”

Mahyar: “Once again, our actions on the ground – or rather, on the water – were not consistent with a military nuclear test. Our naval vessels actually withdrew, whereas in a real nuclear test you would send your ships there. For example, to mark the perimeter of the test area, to request other vessels to leave the area, and to carry out observations during the test.”

It is nothing short of outrageous that other nations should dictate where we are allowed to carry out a nuclear test. All sorts of suggestions have been put forward, such as our territory on mainland Apollonia, or Hana'apui Island. It’s one thing for another nation to remind us of secret agreements, but are they next going to dictate where we’re allowed to build a sandcastle on our own beach? It’s too absurd for words. Of course a nuclear test can have an impact on the environment, but let’s not get carried away. Stirring up another nation that’s supposedly nearby, 1572 km away.”

Rouya: “You seem rather shaken by the reactions. But surely you could have anticipated that?”

Mahyar: “Look, we did anticipate some commotion. And believe me, through unofficial channels we’d already heard something about a blockade. But what’s happened now is despicable. They admit it themselves: no diplomatic communiqué, except for the one dated 17.XIII.1757 AN. And once again, if Nouvelle Alexandrie sees itself as a respectable and upright nation, they really do have a lot to answer for.”

Rouya: “There’s also criticism within our parliament. How do you view that?”

Mahyar: “Yes, I am aware of that criticism. The National Democratic Congress (NDC) is the leading voice on this issue. But that party is known to be keen for our country to join the Raspur Pact. You can probably tell that I am not in favour of that. And to clarify: I am not against a defence alliance, but I am against an aggressive club.”

Rouya: “You talk a lot about Nouvelle Alexandrie. But it is Constancia that is laying claim to Dromosker Island, and has now gained international recognition. Why don’t you speak out strongly against Constancia?”

Mahyar: “When we failed to gain international recognition, the government saw no other option but to abandon that policy immediately. When it soon became apparent that Constancia was laying claim to Dromosker Island, we no longer regarded that as contrary to our policy either. It was precisely to ensure that any movements by our navy would not be misinterpreted that we withdrew our ships. Certainly, as we had no intention of conducting an actual nuclear test.”

Rouya: “There is a call for nuclear disarmament. What is your view on that?”

Mahyar: “Under my rule, we will not disarm. Whilst the nuclear test is not real, our nuclear weapons are very real. But we also have a nuclear weapons doctrine. Something comparable is rarely made public on Micras.”

Rouya: “What does that doctrine entail?”

Mahyar: “Well, I cannot be entirely open about that. But consider the use of nuclear weapons in the event of a threat to our country’s internationally recognised territory.”

Rouya: “Just one criticism, though: the announcement of the nuclear test wasn’t real, but the fuss certainly was. Would you do something like that again?”

Mahyar: “A repeat of the same trick is inconceivable. Words like ‘unreliable’ and ‘insane’ will be bandied about, and, as mentioned earlier, people will call this an excuse to avoid acknowledging that we might buckle under the pressure. What we’re seeing is the delusions of grandeur of a country that unilaterally withdraws from a treaty, seeking to ascribe a certain moral stance to it, but we have already made concessions to the people of that country on several occasions. Where were they when parts of our country were under water?

Look, we could be very nasty. Blocking Jaris, for example. We don’t do that; our ‘goodwill’ is not a smokescreen for a military operation. We want to cooperate with other nations, even if they belong to different alliances, hold different views and have different moral standards. We come to the aid of the population when there is a need. But we will not accept our sovereignty being undermined simply because they are afraid.”

Rouya: “We could talk for hours, but I also have to think about the amount of paper needed to print this interview.”

Mahyar chuckled and said: “Let’s hope that ‘newspaper diplomacy’ comes to an end and that people return to the negotiating table with respect. We are reaching out.”