New Alexandrian general election, 1723
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The New Alexandrian general election of 1723 was the seventh general election in the political history of the Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie. Initially slated for late 1723 AN, the election was postponed to a four-day period from 1.XIV to 4.XIV in 1724 AN due to a historic discovery known as the Lost Archives of Nouvelle Alexandrie. A national referendum supported the delay with an overwhelming 89% majority. The election followed a mixed-member proportional representation system and involved 689 seats in the Federal Assembly, requiring 345 seats for a majority.
The electoral landscape was profoundly influenced by both the discovery of the Lost Archives and an array of political scandals and movements that impacted the incumbent Federal Humanist Party (FHP), mainly the Emergency Shipbuilding Program procurement scandal. The scandal centered around former Premier and Secretary of Defense Felipe de Almagro, who was previously a significantly popular figure in the country and his party. One significant socio-political phenomenon was the rise of the Nouveau Wave counterculture movement. Largely based in labor unions and student groups across university and college campuses, the movement vehemently opposed the incumbent Federal Humanist Party (FHP) government, accusing it of being out of touch with the common populace and of being corrupt. The FHP, led by Paolo Antonio Aguilar, reacted by mobilizing its youth wing, the Humanist Vanguard, to counter-protest. The ideological clashes between the Nouveau Wave activists and the Humanist Vanguard became so intense that they necessitated law enforcement intervention on multiple occasions, with notable instances of sporadic violence between the two groups throughout the election period. In light of these social tensions and security concerns, the election took place under heightened security across major cities to ensure public order. Police and federal law enforcement agencies maintained a high-profile presence around polling stations, and additional security measures, such as electronic surveillance and temporary traffic rerouting, were implemented.
Despite facing declining public trust due to the Emergency Shipbuilding Program procurement scandal and the increasing opposition from the Nouveau Wave movement, the FHP emerged as the largest party but with a significantly reduced mandate. It secured 324 seats, a loss of 30 seats compared to the 1718 elections, and garnered 47.7% of the popular vote. Conversely, the Federal Consensus Party (FCP) led by Alfons Dandela made significant gains. Leveraging the widespread discontent with the FHP, the FCP successfully rode a wave of desired change, winning 311 seats—an increase of 43 seats—and capturing 45.9% of the popular vote.
Minor parties and newcomers also left their mark on the election. The Democratic Socialist Party (DSP), led by Silvio Ruiz, suffered a setback, capturing just 17 seats and 2.7% of the vote, a decline from its previous standing. New entrants like the Wakara People's Party, led by Mayani Guacanagari and Beatriz Daguao, and United for Alvelo, led by Pablo Alvelo Nieves, won 34 and 9 seats respectively, illustrating the increasing fragmentation of the political landscape. Independents saw a surprising surge, winning 13 seats with 2.4% of the vote, an increase of 7 seats from the previous election.
Turnout was remarkable, with 86.9% of eligible voters casting their ballots, translating to 161,953,529 votes. This was a marked increase in voter participation compared to the previous election. Overall, the election underscored the complex and shifting dynamics of New Alexandrian politics, punctuated by the decline of traditional political powerhouses, the emergence of new political entities, and the public's active engagement in the democratic process amidst a backdrop of increasing polarization and social unrest.
Background
 New Alexandrian General Election, 1723 | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Federal Humanist (FHP) 1723 Campaign | ||||
| Federal Consensus (FCP) 1723 Campaign | ||||
| Democratic Socialists (DSP) 1723 Campaign | ||||
| United for Alvelo (UfA) 1723 Campaign | ||||
| Wakara People's Party (WPP) 1723 Campaign |
The political theatre leading up to the New Alexandrian general election of 1724 was saturated with an intricate confluence of controversies, social movements, and shifting public sentiment, the roots of which could be traced back to various flashpoints over the preceding years and decades. The Emergency Shipbuilding Program procurement scandal, an upheaval that ensnared the Federal Humanist Party (FHP) and its high-profile figures like Felipe de Almagro, former Premier and current Secretary of Defense, served as a critical lynchpin for the deteriorating public opinion towards the FHP.
Within this scandal, the publication of the Piquot-Rivera Report in 1722 AN stood as a seminal moment that further enervated the FHP's credibility. Authored by Maurice Piquot and Lucia Rivera of the Federal Gendarmerie, the report offered an exhaustive dissection of the procurement scandal, not sparing any details. Though Secretary de Almagro was not found to have directly benefitted financially from the flawed program, his managerial decisions were implicated in the creation of a risky and disorderly procurement environment. This, combined with systemic shortcomings within the National Ordnance and Procurement Board (NOPB) and the conflicts between NOPB and the Office of Procurement, added weight to the Federal Consensus Party's (FCP) narrative of the FHP as a fiscally irresponsible and untrustworthy guardian of the state.
Against the backdrop of the protracted and increasingly unpopular Wars of the Dispossessed, the impact of the Piquot-Rivera Report was multidimensional. The report catalyzed heightened civic engagement, especially among youth and leftist groups. Protesters clashed regularly with law enforcement and members of the FHP's Humanist Vanguard, causing the political atmosphere to grow increasingly volatile. This only served to deepen the rifts in a country already weary from war and economic uncertainties, thereby benefiting the opposition parties, particularly the Democratic Socialist Party (DSP) and the FCP.
The DSP found new lifeblood in the rise of the Nouveau Wave counterculture movement. Disenchanted by the establishment's perceived militarism and elitism, and further empowered by the publication of the Piquot-Rivera Report, the movement became a significant political force, especially on college campuses and youth-centric urban areas across Nouvelle Alexandrie.
Complicating the political canvas were the regional parties, notably United for Alvelo in the Region of Santander and the Wakara People's Party in Boriquen. Both tapped into long-standing regional grievances, exploiting the FHP's national vulnerabilities to siphon votes away from the major parties.
The unpredictability of the election season was further inflamed by the discovery of the Lost Archives of Nouvelle Alexandrie. While the public was still grappling with the revelations from the Piquot-Rivera Report, the Archives presented yet another vector for potential societal upheaval, promising to unearth potentially uncomfortable historical truths about the nation's founding.
Adding to the tumultuous political atmosphere was the surprising dissolution of the People's Liberty Congress of Nouvelle Alexandrie, Nouvelle Alexandrie's libertarian party. The party had long advocated for minimal government intervention in both economic and social spheres but found itself ironically undone by administrative failures. In an embarrassing turn of events, the party failed to meet the basic legal requirements needed to maintain its active legal registration, leading to its disbandment as mandated by electoral law. This development effectively eliminated the People's Liberty Congress as a political force in Nouvelle Alexandrie, further narrowing the field of parties vying for political space and affecting the distribution of libertarian-leaning votes. Consequently, the absence of the party left an ideological vacuum, opening up questions about where their relatively small but vocal voter base would turn in the upcoming elections, with both the FCP and independent candidates as likely beneficiaries.
Despite resolute measures taken by the incumbent administration of the FHP, helmed by Premier Paolo Antonio Aguilar, to ameliorate the mounting crises, the general ambiance leading up to the New Alexandrian general election of 1724 remained not only charged but also deeply fractious. A series of policy initiatives and legislative reforms, aimed at restoring public trust, boosting economic growth, and fighting corruption ahead of the elections, failed to immediately win back broad-based trust, but did improve the party's chances in the long term. However, multiple opinion polls demonstrated that public confidence in the administration continued to plummet.
The confluence of these factors led to a pervasive, almost palpable, hunger for transformative change, evident in public rallies, digital campaigns, and increased voter registration, especially among first-time voters. Public forums and social media in Nouvelle Alexandrie were awash with discussions and debates that questioned not just the actions of the incumbent government but the very structures that upheld the Nouvelle Alexandrian society. In this climate, policy platforms were secondary to the broader, more abstract, but pressing issues of national identity, ethical governance, and societal fairness. The discovery of the Lost Archives of Nouvelle Alexandrie further fueled this developing climate.
Main Issues
The general elections slated for 1723 in Nouvelle Alexandrie are unfolding against a complex tapestry of societal needs and geopolitical considerations. Extensive polling data illustrates an electorate marked by a diversity of priorities but displaying a unified demand for efficacious governance.
 What are your top concerns that the government should address? Source: NBC Newsfeed | |
|---|---|
| Issue | % of registered voters saying each is "very important" |
| Corruption | 87% |
| Economy, jobs | 83% |
| Defense, national security | 81% |
| Foreign policy, trade | 77% |
| Environment | 73% |
| Education | 70% |
| Crime | 66% |
| Healthcare and social services | 62% |
| Clean air, water, and safe food | 59% |
| Economic inequality | 54% |
| Infrastructure, transport | 52% |
| Housing, high rents | 45% |
| Technological advancement | 39% |
| Margin of error: ±3% | |
Corruption
Corruption leads the list of voter concerns, with 87% of registered voters citing it as "very important." The Piquot-Rivera Report, which scrutinized irregularities in emergency shipbuilding, has intensified attention to corruption. Campaigns advocating transparent governance and systemic reforms resonate with voters disenchanted by political misconduct.
Economy and Jobs
Economic concerns rank second, with 83% of respondents identifying them as critical. Voters seek policies that promote industrial growth, lower living costs, and enhance job creation, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises.
Defense and National Security
Given ongoing geopolitical tensions and recent military conflicts, 81% of voters deem Defense and National Security of paramount importance. The electorate favors modernizing defense capabilities, balancing security concerns with ethical procurement practices.
Foreign Policy and Trade
With 77% voter interest, Foreign Policy and Trade are crucial. High support for the Raspur Pact suggests that pro-Raspur Pact campaigns and mutually beneficial trade agreements are likely to gain traction.
Environment
Climate change and environmental sustainability concerns are cited by 73% of voters. Campaigns focusing on renewable energy, sustainable development, and conservation efforts are likely to receive voter attention.
Education
Education is identified as crucial by 70% of voters, who are calling for long-term, sustainable educational reforms, including updated curricula, professional development for teachers, and equitable access to education.
Crime
Crime is cited by 66% of voters as an essential issue, with attention on community-police relations and effective judicial processes, alongside the basic need for law and order.
Healthcare and Social Services
Following recent global health crises, 62% of voters consider healthcare and social services as "very important," fueling debates about healthcare reform and accessibility.
Lost Archives of Nouvelle Alexandrie
The Lost Archives of Nouvelle Alexandrie have emerged as a key issue. Public discourse around this topic often centers on the need for transparency and historical preservation.
Other Issues
Other topics such as clean air, water, and safe food (59%), economic inequality (54%), infrastructure and transport (52%), and housing (45%) hold varying degrees of importance. Technological advancement attracts 39% of voter interest, indicating a future-oriented segment of the electorate.
Given the complexity of voter concerns, single-issue campaigns appear increasingly outdated. Coalition politics that engage across demographic lines and voter segments is emerging as a prerequisite for electoral success.
Electoral system
Elections in Nouvelle Alexandrie operate on a system of proportional representation, conducted region by region. Voters have the option to choose either from party lists or independent slates that appear on the ballot. The electoral system employs the Sainte-Laguë method, a highest quotient system, for allocating seats in each region's party-list proportional representation. This ensures a more equitable distribution of seats according to vote shares. The legal threshold for any party to gain representation in a given region is 2% of the total votes.
Upon the conclusion of the elections, if a party achieves a majority of seats in the Federal Assembly, it is entitled to form the government. The leader of the winning party then assumes the position of President of the Government. In instances where no party secures an outright majority, resulting in a hung Cortes Federales, the country's governance can proceed in one of two main ways: either through the formation of a coalition government comprised of multiple parties or a minority government that governs with the external support of other parties, all in strict accordance with Nouvelle Alexandrie’s legal framework.
Reapportionment and Demographic Considerations
The electoral landscape is also shaped by periodic reapportionment exercises, the most recent of which followed the 1723 census. From 1718 AN to 1723 AN, the Federal Assembly had 661 seats, but due to significant demographic changes, the number was increased to 689 seats for the 7th Cortes Federales. This was partly driven by the inclusion of New Caputia as a new administrative region.
The primary aim of reapportionment is to ensure that each region’s representation in the Federal Assembly is proportional to its population, while also considering other factors like regional importance. This process is constitutionally mandated and relies heavily on census data for its execution.
| Region | Seats in 1718 | Seats in 1723 | Difference |
|---|---|---|---|
| Alduria | 145 | 146 | ▲ +1 |
| Wechua Nation | 136 | 136 | 0 |
| Santander | 97 | 97 | 0 |
| Valencia | 28 | 28 | 0 |
| Federal Capital District | 2 | 2 | 0 |
| North Lyrica | 62 | 61 | ▼ -1 |
| South Lyrica | 72 | 73 | ▲ +1 |
| Islas de la Libertad | 12 | 13 | ▲ +1 |
| New Luthoria | 13 | 12 | ▼ -1 |
| Isles of Caputia | 58 | 58 | 0 |
| Boriquén | 35 | 34 | ▼ -1 |
| New Caputia | 0 | 29 | ▲ +29 |
Voting eligibility
To vote in the general election, one had to be:
- legally registered to vote;
- a citizen of the Federation (at the time of the election);
- not legally excluded from voting as provided by New Alexandrian law.
Surge in voter registration
The period leading up to the 1724 election was marked by a surge in voter registration, a phenomenon identified by analysts and social commentators as indicative of the heightened political engagement sweeping across the nation. This surge was most remarkable in certain demographics. There was a 23% increase in first-time voter registration compared to the 1718 general election, and this demographic predominantly consisted of young people between the ages of 18 and 24. College and university campuses recorded a 40% increase in new voter sign-ups, compared to the previous electoral cycle, largely fueled by politically activated groups like the Nouveau Wave counterculture. Regions with strong local identity movements, such as Santander and Boriquén, also reported significant upticks in voter registration, a trend harnessed effectively by local parties like United for Alvelo and the Wakara People's Party to siphon votes away from major national parties.
Opinion Polling
Issues Polling
Contesting Parties
The Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie witnessed a variety of political parties vying for power during the monumental 1723 general election, which was later postponed to 1724. Each of the contesting parties faced unique challenges and opportunities, shaped by a host of socio-political events that included the discovery of the Lost Archives of Nouvelle Alexandrie and the aftermath of the Emergency Shipbuilding Program procurement scandal. The national parties that took part were:
- The incumbent Federal Humanist Party
- The Federal Consensus Party (formerly known as the Moderate Caucus)
- The Democratic Socialist Party (previously the Social Democratic and Liberal Alliance).
Most candidates are representatives of a political party, which must be registered with the Federal Electoral Commission's Official Register. Those who do not belong to one must use the label "Independent" or none. In the 1724 elections, 5,954 candidates stood: 3,067 being independents, the rest representing political parties or movements.
Federal Humanist Party Campaign
The Federal Humanist Party (FHP) entered the election as the incumbent, led by Paolo Antonio Aguilar. Beset by declining public trust due to the Emergency Shipbuilding Program procurement scandal and internal party conflicts, the FHP aimed to stabilize its political footing. A significant challenge for the party was navigating the ideological battlefields created by the rise of the Nouveau Wave counterculture movement. In response, the FHP mobilized its youth wing, the Humanist Vanguard, to counter-protest. These ideological confrontations were often marred by incidents of violence and law enforcement intervention. Despite these challenges, the FHP emerged as the largest party, albeit with a reduced mandate, securing 324 out of 689 seats in the Federal Assembly.
Federal Consensus Party Campaign
The Federal Consensus Party (FCP), led by Alfons Dandela, capitalized on the widespread discontent with the FHP. Strategically utilizing the Piquot-Rivera Report and focusing on fiscal responsibility and governmental transparency, the FCP positioned itself as a viable alternative to the incumbent. The party also attracted some of the libertarian-leaning voters left adrift after the dissolution of the People's Liberty Congress of Nouvelle Alexandrie. Their campaign strategy led to significant gains, capturing 311 seats—a net gain of 43 seats compared to the previous election.
Democratic Socialist Party Campaign
The Democratic Socialist Party (DSP), led by Silvio Ruiz, initially appeared to be on an upward trajectory due to the rising popularity of the Nouveau Wave movement. However, their inability to convert this grassroots support into actionable policy points led to a disappointing electoral performance. They captured only 17 seats, a noticeable decline from their prior standing.
Independents and Other Campaigns
Several smaller entities also participated in the elections, further fragmenting the political landscape:
- United for Alvelo: Spearheaded by independent candidate Pablo Alvelo Nieves, United for Alvelo emerged as a grassroots movement in the Region of Santander. Promising balanced governance and local representation, the movement struck a chord with constituents, leading to a win of 9 seats in the Federal Assembly.
- Wakara People's Party: Founded by independent deputies Mayani Guacanagari and Beatriz Daguao from the Region of Boriquén, the Wakara People's Party tapped into regional grievances. Focusing on localized issues and exploiting the FHP's national vulnerabilities, they managed to win 34 seats.
- Arnaud Joseph Leclerc: Arnaud Joseph Leclerc was Valencia's sole independent candidate who captured 3.3% of the vote. His campaign primarily emphasized restoring historic values and governance reforms in the Region of Valencia.
These results signaled a potential recalibration in the future of New Alexandrian politics, as smaller parties and independent movements gained traction in an environment of increasing social unrest and polarization.
Candidates
Results
National
| Color | Political Party | Leader | Candidates | Votes | % of Votes | Elected | % of Seats | Gain/Loss |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Federal Humanist Party (FHP) | Paolo Antonio Aguilar | 689 | 77,303,744 | 47.7% | 324 | 47.0% | ▼ 30 seats | |
| Federal Consensus Party (FCP) | Alfons Dandela | 689 | 74,280,686 | 45.9% | 311 | 45.1% | ▲ 43 seats | |
| Democratic Socialist Party (DSP) | Silvio Ruiz | 689 | 4,306,399 | 2.7% | 17 | 2.5% | ▼ 14 seats | |
| Wakara People's Party (WPP) | 34 | 3,406,612 | 2.1% | 15 | 2.2% | ▲ 15 seats (New party.) | ||
| United for Alvelo (UfA) | Pablo Alvelo Nieves | 97 | 2,024,921 | 1.3% | 9 | 1.3% | ▲ 9 seats (New party.) | |
| Independent | No leader. | 3,067 | 3,823,532 | 2.4% | 13 | 1.9% | ▲ 7 seats | |
| People's Liberty Congress (PLC) | George Alvin-Winters | 689 | 631,167 | 0.4% | 0 | 0 | ▼ 2 seats | |
| Total | 5,954 | 165,777,061 | 689 | Turnout | 86.9% | |||
Regional
Alduria
| Election Results in the Region of Alduria | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies | |
| Federal Consensus Party | 18,461,208 | 49.4% | 74 | |
| Federal Humanist Party | 17,601,678 | 47.1% | 70 | |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 784,788 | 2.1% | 3 | |
| Independent/Unaligned | 448,450 | 1.2% | 0 | |
| People's Liberty Congress | 74,742 | 0.2% | 0 | |
| Totals: 37,370,866 Votes, 147 Deputies | ||||
Wechua Nation
| Election Results in the Region of the Wechua Nation | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies | |
| Federal Humanist Party | 17,067,467 | 49.8% | 69 | |
| Federal Consensus Party | 14,736,970 | 43.0% | 60 | |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 856,801 | 2.5% | 3 | |
| Independent/Unaligned | 1,302,337 | 3.8% | 5 | |
| People's Liberty Congress | 308,448 | 0.9% | 0 | |
| Totals: 34,272,023 Votes, 137 Deputies | ||||
Santander
| Election Results in the Region of Santander | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies | |
| Federal Humanist Party | 10,357,354 | 44.5% | 43 | |
| Federal Consensus Party | 10,264,255 | 44.1% | 43 | |
| United for Alvelo | 2,024,921 | 8.7% | 9 | |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 512,049 | 2.2% | 2 | |
| People's Liberty Congress | 58,187 | 0.3% | 0 | |
| Independent/Unaligned | 46,550 | 0.2% | 0 | |
| Totals: 23,263,316 Votes, 97 Deputies | ||||
Valencia
| Election Results in the Region of Valencia | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies | |
| Federal Consensus Party | 3,378,927 | 46.9% | 14 | |
| Federal Humanist Party | 2,867,405 | 39.8% | 11 | |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 706,044 | 9.8% | 3 | |
| Independent/Unaligned | 237,750 | 3.3% | 1 | |
| People's Liberty Congress | 14,409 | 0.2% | 0 | |
| Totals: 7,204,535 Votes, 29 Deputies | ||||
Federal Capital District
| Election Results in the Federal Capital District | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Humanist Party | 250,290 | 50.1% | 1 |
| Federal Consensus Party | 233,803 | 46.8% | 1 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 5,995 | 1.2% | 0 |
| People's Liberty Congress | 2,498 | 0.5% | 0 |
| Independent/Unaligned | 6,994 | 1.4% | 0 |
| Totals: 499,580 Votes, 2 Deputies | |||
Isles of Caputia
| Election Results in the Region of Isles of Caputia | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Humanist Party | 6,407,556 | 49.6% | 29 |
| Federal Consensus Party | 5,619,530 | 43.5% | 25 |
| Independent/Unaligned | 607,168 | 4.7% | 3 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 271,288 | 2.1% | 1 |
| People's Liberty Congress | 12,918 | 0.1% | 0 |
| Totals: 12,918,460 Votes, 58 Deputies | |||
North Lyrica
| Election Results in the Region of North Lyrica | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Humanist Party | 7,298,550 | 55.3% | 35 |
| Federal Consensus Party | 5,530,004 | 41.9% | 26 |
| Independent/Unaligned | 158,377 | 1.2% | 0 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 105,585 | 0.8% | 0 |
| People's Liberty Congress | 105,585 | 0.8% | 0 |
| Totals: 13,198,101 Votes, 61 Deputies | |||
South Lyrica
| Election Results in the Region of South Lyrica | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Consensus Party | 7,981,460 | 49.2% | 36 |
| Federal Humanist Party | 7,413,673 | 45.7% | 33 |
| Independent/Unaligned | 470,452 | 2.9% | 2 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 340,672 | 2.1% | 2 |
| People's Liberty Congress | 16,222 | 0.1% | 0 |
| Totals: 16,222,479 Votes, 73 Deputies | |||
New Luthoria
| Election Results in the Region of New Luthoria | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Consensus Party | 1,753,315 | 50.2% | 6 |
| Federal Humanist Party | 1,616,135 | 46.3% | 6 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 76,793 | 2.2% | - |
| Independent/Unaligned | 41,887 | 1.2% | - |
| People's Liberty Congress | 3,491 | 0.1% | - |
| Totals: 3,491,621 Votes, 12 Deputies | |||
Islas de la Libertad
| Election Results in the Region of Islas de la Libertad | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Consensus Party | 1,695,308 | 51.6% | 7 |
| Federal Humanist Party | 1,498,179 | 45.6% | 6 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 78,852 | 2.4% | - |
| Independent/Unaligned | 6,571 | 0.2% | - |
| People's Liberty Congress | 6,571 | 0.2% | - |
| Totals: 3,285,481 Votes, 13 Deputies | |||
Boriquén
| Election Results in the Region of Boriquén | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Wakara People's Party | 3,406,612 | 44.6% | 15 |
| Federal Humanist Party | 2,008,832 | 26.3% | 9 |
| Federal Consensus Party | 1,728,512 | 22.6% | 8 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 420,098 | 5.5% | 2 |
| Independent/Unaligned | 61,105 | 0.8% | 0 |
| People's Liberty Congress | 15,276 | 0.2% | 0 |
| Totals: 7,640,435 Votes, 34 Deputies | |||
New Caputia
| Election Results in the Region of New Caputia | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Party | Votes | % of Votes | Deputies |
| Federal Humanist Party | 2,916,625 | 45.5% | 12 |
| Federal Consensus Party | 2,897,394 | 45.2% | 11 |
| Independent/Unaligned | 435,891 | 6.8% | 2 |
| Democratic Socialist Party | 147,434 | 2.3% | 1 |
| People's Liberty Congress | 12,820 | 0.2% | 0 |
| Totals: 6,410,164 Votes, 26 Deputies | |||
