Sanpantul independence referendum, 1744
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Independence of the Sanpantul Referendum
OPTION A Sanpantul's secession from the Çakar Empire as the State of Sanpantul, the form of government being a constitutional monarchy, and the return of the Benjamin Islands and the Sunfish Archipelago to the Çakar Empire. OPTION B Rejection of the current status and living under the auspices of Çakar Empire with an autonomous status under current conditions. | |||||||||||||||||||
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The 1744 AN Sanpantul independence referendum (Sangunese: 1744 三帆人独立住民投票, translit.: 1744 Sanhanto dokuritsu jūmin tōhyō?) was a referendum held in Sanpantul, unincorporated territory of Çakaristan. Sanpantul was a fully independent country when it was first founded, but its independence was jeopardized after the Tortuga earthquake in 1692 AN and it was briefly under Batavia rule. In 1702 AN it was taken over by Çakaristan, the founding country of the Great Apollonian Empire. Its autonomy was reduced between 1714 AN and 1730 AN due to the Sanpo-Çakar War. The old autonomy was restored with a referendum in 1729 AN. Although the referendum was supported by almost all the parties in the parliament, there was a lot of opposition, especially within the Liberal Party, which led to campaigns being conducted by individuals rather than parties. After the referendum proposal was successfully passed through Kyuden and Asenburi in 1743 AN, it was officially approved by the Shah of Çakaristan, Xunpadshahan, in XII.XI.1743 AN. As of I.XII.1743 AN, the campaign process officially began, with the election expected to take place at the beginning of 1744 AN. The campaign process is expected to last three months.
If Sanpantul becomes independent, its official name will be the State of Sanpantul, and it will consolidate its sovereignty over all of the Sandwich Islands and the Prince Islands. However, the self-defense forces will remain permanent, and the Benjamin Islands and the Sunfish Archipelago will be returned to Çakaristan. The maritime boundaries are defined by the proposed treaty signed by the Shah in 1743. Çakaristan and Sanpantul will continue their friendship in perpetuity. The official language will be Sanpogo, and the role of the emperor will be limited and the role of the prime minister will remain important.
As soon as the election process began, major events occurred one after another. Victory Banner officially confirmed that it would split in two. The other half is scheduled to join the Sanpantul Innovation Party, while the status of the other Pro-Çakari faction, the Mutsu clique, is uncertain. Liberals reacted strongly to the possible agreement, saying, "Benjamin and Sunfish Islands are an integral part of us. We would rather see it become autonomous than be torn away from us." Democrats then released a statement saying, "You saw who betrayed the cause. Sunfish and Benjamin Islands will remain ours etc. Benjamins is not our original land anyway and we are occupying it for a ridiculous reason without law. So is Sunfish.". Although the election process was conducted almost smoothly and peacefully, there were intense complaints from voters about social media manipulation and the use of artificial intelligence. Xiangi groups chose to abstain out of concern that possible independence could reverse the results.
On voting day, the "Yes" vote prevailed with 54.20% of the total ballots, marking a narrow but decisive victory for the Democrat Party’s independence platform bloc. Voter turnout was high, and the result was accepted without major incident, though tensions between both camps persisted. The referendum victory paved the way for Sanpantul’s formal declaration of independence from Çakaristan’s political and economical influence. The Democrat Party and the bloc quickly moved to draft new foreign policy doctrines, secure alternative alliances, and rebrand Sanpantul as a neutral but sovereign regional power. While many citizens celebrated the vote as a long-awaited emancipation, the result also caused friction with Liberal Pro-Çakari clique, leading to a sharp cooling of political rant. Internally, the Liberal Party entered a period of decline, criticized for being out of touch with popular sentiment.
Background
| 三帆人国の独立住民投票に対する許認可 | |
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| Legislature of Sanpantul | |
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| Citation | Law No. 98/1743 AN |
| Territorial extent | Plebiscite: on all Sanpantul, all of the Prince Islands except the Sunfish archipelago and completely outside the Benjamin Islands |
| Passed by | Asenburi and Kyuden |
| Passed | 5 November 1743 AN (05.XI.1743 AN) |
| Enacted | 5 November 1743 AN (05.XI.1743 AN) |
| Enacted by | Legislative Council of the Sanpantul |
| Enacted | 8 December 1743 AN (12.XII.1743 AN) |
| Assented to | 4 November 1743 AN (04.XI.1743 AN) |
| Signed by | Emperor Takashi (ceremonially), Mazyar Behdat, Xunpadshahan |
| Signed | 15 December 1743 AN (15.XII.1743 AN) |
| Legislative history | |
| First chamber: Asenburi and Kyuden | |
| Bill title | 三帆人国の請求書 (Bill on Unincorporated Territory of Sanpantul) |
| Introduced | 8 May 1743 AN (8.V.1743 AN) |
| Repeals | |
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Sanpanese Act No. 3/1730 AN (Act of Autonomous Status of the Scattered Islands) Sanpanese Act No. 68/1730 AN (Re-claiming of the Benjamin Islands) | |
| Status: Pending referendum | |
More towards independence
The previous elections resulted in a Liberal victory. However, the government's failure in the last three years and the increasing nationalism pushed the people to early elections, which allowed the Victory Banner to come to power alone in 1713. The Liberals gave most of the party's seats to the Victory Banner voluntarily during this period. In 1713 AN-1716 AN, the people had almost no place to settle on the island, and at that time, a world war was taking planet in Spatull. This led to the Sanpo-Çakar War, which began in 1716 AN when Çakaristan was attacked during an exercise.
In 1720 AN, Sanpantul surrendered unconditionally. Western Sandwich was annexed to Sanpantul and the population was given some relief. The parliament was dissolved and the emperor's already limited role was further reduced. The prime ministry was also dissolved and the position of governor was established in its place. The Sanpantul Senate Party began to represent Sanpantul in the Çakari Congress and Çakari Congress. The first seat victory in 1721 AN made Sanpantul more prominent among the princely states. Two more seat victories in 1725 AN and 1729 AN increased the pressure on the parliament to become an autonomous region again. The Sanpanese Referendum held before the elections of 1729 AN made Sanpantul an unincorporated territory again.
Recession of 1737 also affected Sanpantul. Exports have almost been disrupted, and the health sector, which was already damaged by the 1734 New Alexandrian drug shortages, has begun to collapse in recent years. Birth rates fell rapidly and the death rate exceeded the birth rate for the first time. Sanpantul's unneeded goods remained in storage after the collapse of Keltia. This brought about dedlation. The Liberal Party updated its ideology to "independence" during this economic recession. Victory Banner announced that it would leave the alliance and form an alliance with parties supporting Pro-Bassarid and the Confederacy of the Dispossessed. But this never happened.
1740 AN elections and protests
The Democrats came in first place in the elections and the Liberals lost the prime ministerial seat. The Smart Party, despite expectations of an increase in votes, fell to the bottom and came in first in only one prefecture. Most of the old alliance parties except the Democrats lost votes and the Democrats managed to consolidate the votes on their own. The Innovation Party made an impressive start in their first election despite not winning any seats. The vast majority of the Xiangis votes went to the Liberals. Although the Victory Banner votes increased, these votes were mostly a reaction vote to the Liberals, so the alliance did not lose any votes. A significant part of the Victory Banner and its organization resigned and two deputies switched to the Sanpantul Innovation Party. After this incident, Innovation Party chairman Seto Shirai was detained for spreading hate speech. Later, Kipei's mayor was detained for tax evasion, diploma forgery, and aiding and abetting a terrorist organization.
The protests that began after the election lasted for about a year, and after the opposition's boycott further paralyzed the economy, the Liberals only officially gave up their seat in 1741 AN. This two-year period went down in history as a second black mark on democracy after the 1716 AN Election Scandal.
Preparations
Voters' registration
Within Sanpantul, everyone aged eighteen and above is considered eligible for the election. Voters can learn about their registration locations and status online. Residents, especially university students and professional workers, are required to change their place of residence. This is stated within 90 days. The election was initially decided to be electronic, but after manipulation and intense complaints, it was made mandatory only for diaspora residents. Registration for the elections can be provided through 27 centers.
Yes campaign
The Yes Campaign for the Sanpantul Referendum refers to the political and civic movement supporting the adoption of a series of constitutional reforms presented in a nationwide referendum held in Sanpantul on 25.IX.1743 AN. Unlike previous campaigns driven by nationalist forces, this campaign marked a broad, cross-ideological coalition of centrist, left-wing, and progressive parties. The referendum was held in the aftermath of the Sanpo-Çakar War and a period of political transition marked by the dissolution of the hardline Victory Banner Party. In its place, a new centre-right force—the Innovation Party—emerged, advocating pragmatic reform and nationalist renewal. The proposed referendum focused on expanding regional autonomy within a federal framework, reforming the judiciary to ensure independence from self-defense influence, introducing term limits and transparency requirements for high-ranking officials, repealing war-era emergency powers and restoring civil liberties and recognizing ethnic and cultural minorities in the constitution.
The Yes campaign was endorsed by a broad alliance of political parties, including, Innovation Party, pro-reform centre-right party, successor to elements of the former nationalist establishment. Democrat Party is socialist party promoting institutional stability. Smart Party technocratic and data-driven policy advocates. Sanpantul Communist Party is Supporting reforms as a path toward participatory socialism. Green Spatula is A left-ecologist movement focused on sustainability and indigenous rights. Sanpantul Workers’ Party (SWP) is Representing labor or marxist interests and trade unions. This diverse coalition promoted the referendum as a chance for national healing, democratic deepening, and socioeconomic modernization.
The Yes campaign presented the referendum as a peaceful turning point. Its central slogan was "Rebuild. Reform. Renew.". Campaign visuals featured imagery of rebuilding—bridges, schools, and open assembly halls—rather than past martial symbolism. Rallies emphasized dialogue, inclusion, and reconciliation, particularly in former conflict zones like Yalpan and the Prince Islands. Public figures, civil society leaders, and former military officers critical of the old regime also joined the campaign, symbolizing a national shift.
While the No campaign accused the Yes coalition of being "utopian" and "vague," no major party openly called for a rejection. Instead, skepticism came from smaller conservative and isolationist groups, particularly in rural coastal provinces. Some expressed concerns over decentralization and potential foreign influence.
No campaign
The No Campaign for the Sanpantul Referendum refers to the organized political opposition to the proposed constitutional reforms put forward in the 1729 Sanpantul national referendum. Rooted in a pro-Çakari, conservative-autonomist tradition, the campaign rejected further political separation from the Çakari Crown and emphasized loyalty to the Shahinshah as the legitimate protector of the Sanpantul people. Since gaining autonomous status in 1729 AN under the supervision of the Çakari central government, Sanpantul has maintained a complex relationship with the Çakaristan Union—simultaneously self-governing but economically and diplomatically tied to Çakaristan. The 1729 AN autonomy charter guaranteed local governance while preserving allegiance to the Shahinshah as a symbolic head of state. The proposed referendum reforms, largely supported by progressive and post-war political actors, sought to expand federal independence, alter national symbols, and distance the republic from Çakari legal and cultural frameworks.
The No campaign was spearheaded by a small but ideologically committed group of political parties with Çakari-sympathetic and monarchist tendencies, including, Liberal Party of Sanpantul is once a moderate reformist party, it gradually evolved into a pro-status quo movement defending ties to Çakaristan. Progressive Party A culturally conservative, religious-tinged party advocating moral order and unity with the Shahinshah. Before the party was formed, it was known as the Mutsu clique. West Skerry’s Voice is A minor but vocal regionalist party representing conservative fishing and naval communities in the West Skerry islands.
These parties, though differing in specifics, united around opposition to what they called the “secular rupture” proposed by the Yes camp. Loyalty to the Shahinshah, portrayed as a figure of unity, stability, and divine legitimacy. Warnings against radical secularism, particularly reforms that would reduce religious references in national law and ceremony. Skepticism of post-war coalitions, which they framed as fragmented, untested, or foreign-influenced. Their central slogan was "One People, One Sovereign, One Future". Campaign materials often featured imagery of the Çakari crown, traditional family units, naval heritage symbols, and quotes from conservative theologians and statesmen.
The No campaign gained limited traction outside of coastal rural regions and older demographic groups, particularly in the conservative West Skerry islands and a few inland towns with strong religious traditions. In urban centers and post-war reconstruction zones, the campaign struggled to resonate. Critics accused the No campaign of promoting nostalgia politics, lacking realistic alternatives, and being indirectly subsidized by Çakari monarchist circles, though no formal interference was proven.
Organization
On 24.III.1744, the diaspora's electronic voting was conducted. 133,440 people participated in the voting. Diaspora citizens started voting at 08:00 CMT+1 and the process was closed at 21:00. The next day, mainland voters cast their votes manually. Similarly, the voting was started at 08:00 CMT+4 and closed at 21:00. The counting of votes began at 40,000 polling stations after the voting was completed.
Budgets
The recent national referendum in Sanpantul, a developed country with a population of 19 million, cost an estimated ₼3.5 to ₼4 Muhar. Major expenses included over ₼1.8 billion Muhar on political campaigns and media outreach, ₼600 million on rallies and public events, ₼900 million on election logistics and voting infrastructure, and ₼250 million on administrative and international oversight. The high cost reflects the country’s emphasis on transparency, security, and public engagement. While some view this as a necessary investment in democracy, others argue for more cost-effective methods in future referendums.
Results
| 1744 Sanpantul independence referendum | |||
| Choice | Votes | % | |
|---|---|---|---|
 YES
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7,177,750 | 54.36% | |
| NO | 6,027,547 | 45.64% | |
| Valid votes | 13,205,297 | 99.00% | |
| Invalid or blank votes | 133,387 | 1.00% | |
| Total votes | 13,338,683 | 100.00% | |
| Registered voters/turnout | 13,338,683 | 100.00% | |
| Sanpantul independence referendum results (excluding invalid votes) | |
|---|---|
| Seperation 7,177,750 (54.4%) |
Loyality 6,027,547 (45.6%) |
| ▲ 50% | |
| Prefecture | Total Votes | Yes Votes | Yes (%) | No Votes | No (%) | Invalid Votes | Invalid (%) |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Kipei | 4,303,493 | 2,257,953 | 52.51% | 2,002,265 | 46.54% | 43,275 | 1.00% |
| Ofū | 2,152,041 | 1,171,297 | 54.45% | 958,134 | 44.52% | 22,610 | 1.05% |
| Miyaji | 958,987 | 550,387 | 57.40% | 398,109 | 41.52% | 10,491 | 1.09% |
| Ogimi | 1,140,038 | 597,448 | 52.38% | 530,038 | 46.45% | 12,552 | 1.10% |
| Miwatan | 672,374 | 358,558 | 53.30% | 305,558 | 45.44% | 8,258 | 1.23% |
| Dateido | 458,063 | 217,408 | 47.48% | 235,058 | 51.30% | 5,597 | 1.22% |
| Dabajuro | 310,213 | 199,122 | 64.17% | 107,122 | 34.53% | 3,969 | 1.28% |
| Matsuzaki | 399,045 | 193,077 | 48.37% | 200,577 | 50.26% | 5,391 | 1.35% |
| Toichiten | 244,417 | 125,826 | 51.48% | 116,147 | 47.52% | 2,444 | 1.00% |
| Hinachi-sazu | 241,504 | 117,153 | 48.52% | 121,936 | 50.48% | 2,415 | 1.00% |
| Minato | 236,813 | 164,011 | 69.25% | 70,434 | 29.73% | 2,368 | 1.00% |
| Torakusu | 163,107 | 72,464 | 44.45% | 89,012 | 54.65% | 1,631 | 1.00% |
| Kaazu | 165,258 | 73,322 | 44.37% | 90,283 | 54.63% | 1,653 | 1.00% |
| Kōriyama | 169,801 | 137,445 | 80.94% | 30,658 | 18.06% | 1,698 | 1.00% |
| Miiwai | 169,202 | 100,106 | 59.17% | 67,404 | 39.83% | 1,692 | 1.00% |
| Jitō | 204,116 | 104,879 | 52.17% | 97,196 | 47.83% | 2,041 | 1.00% |
| Honobe-mika | 189,246 | 104,618 | 55.30% | 82,736 | 43.85% | 1,892 | 1.00% |
| Tsuku | 344,783 | 184,021 | 53.38% | 157,314 | 45.62% | 3,448 | 1.00% |
| Xiangia | 192,377 | 91,118 | 47.38% | 99,335 | 51.61% | 1,924 | 1.00% |
| Koshimeguri Islands | 62,985 | 40,431 | 64.20% | 21,924 | 34.80% | 630 | 1.00% |
| Prince Islands | 55,916 | 28,033 | 50.25% | 27,324 | 48.87% | 559 | 1.00% |
| Hoshi (Chosei) | 31,868 | 16,305 | 52.18% | 15,244 | 48.82% | 319 | 1.00% |
| Aomori | 136,314 | 65,926 | 48.36% | 68,825 | 50.52% | 1,563 | 1.15% |
| Sukyugawa | 336,722 | 199,613 | 59.26% | 133,742 | 39.67% | 3,367 | 1.00% |
