Wechua language

Wechua

Runasimi
Runa Simi
Nunasimi
Pronunciation	[ˈwɛtʃwa]
Spoken natively in	Nouvelle Alexandrie
Region	Central Keltia, primarily around Mount Lacara
Ethnicity	Wechua
Number of speakers	48-69 million
Language family	Wechu language family Wechua
Writing system	Wechua alphabet (modified Audente script)
Proto-Wechu
Dialects	Lacara Wechu, Coastal Wechu, Rodinia Wechu, Northern Wechu, Southern Wechu
Official status
Official language in	Nouvelle Alexandrie
Recognised minority language in	Constancia  Natopia
Regulated by	Royal Academy of the Wechua Language (Qhapaq Runasimi Yachay Wasi)
Language codes
MOS-9 codes	wch

The Wechua language (Runasimi or Runa Simi, "people's language") is an indigenous language spoken primarily by the Wechua people of central Keltia, particularly in the Wechua Nation region of the Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie. It is one of the official languages of Nouvelle Alexandrie alongside Alexandrian and Martino. Wechua is the most widely spoken indigenous language in Nouvelle Alexandrie, with approximately 48-69 million speakers.

The language originated in the central highlands of Keltia around Mount Lacara and has evolved through centuries of cultural development, conquest, and displacement. Its most common dialect is Lacara Wechu, though several other significant varieties exist, including Coastal Wechu, which developed separately among Wechua communities forcibly relocated to western Keltia during the Atteran era.

History

The Wechua language developed among indigenous communities in central Keltia, primarily around the sacred Mount Lacara and along the Rodinia river valleys. Linguistic evidence suggests the language has been spoken in the region for many centuries, evolving through multiple stages of development.

During the era of Atteran domination, which lasted for several centuries before ending sometime prior to 1500 AN, the language was affected by policies designed to fracture Wechua cultural unity. The Atteran Empire's mass relocation of Wechua populations to western Keltia led to the development of divergent dialects, particularly Coastal Wechu, which incorporated elements from neighboring linguistic groups. The precise dates of Atteran rule remain uncertain due to the destruction of records during this period and the subsequent centuries of instability.

Following the collapse of the Atteran Empire, Wechua communities experienced periods of fragmentation under various successor states and during times of chaos when their territories fell within the unrecognized Keltian Green. These historical disruptions had significant impacts on the language, leading to the development of regional variations.

Map of the first Wechua Kingdom at its founding; 1657 AN

The establishment of the first Wechua state in 1657 AN marked the beginning of language revitalization efforts. However, these were interrupted by the collapse of this state during the White Plague and the ensuing period known as the Wechua Sorrow. The language experienced its strongest revival during the Great Restoration beginning in 1673 AN.

Since the formation of the Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie in 1685 AN, when the Wechua Nation united with Alduria, the Wechua language has enjoyed official status and institutional support. This has led to standardization efforts, expanded educational programs, and growth in literature and media.

Geographic distribution

Wechua is spoken primarily throughout the Wechua Nation region of Nouvelle Alexandrie, concentrated in the central highlands around Mount Lacara and the Rodinia river valleys. Significant populations of Wechua speakers also exist in other regions of Nouvelle Alexandrie where Wechua communities have settled.

Outside Nouvelle Alexandrie, notable Wechua-speaking populations reside in:

•  Constancia: approximately 2.9 million speakers
•  Natopia: approximately 1.7 million speakers

Coastal Wechu is primarily spoken in the San Francisco enclave and surrounding areas, formerly part of Caputia before its collapse due to the White Plague. Smaller communities of Coastal Wechu speakers have established settlements in Constancia and Natopia after fleeing the insecurity of the Keltian Green.

Official status

Wechua holds official language status in the Federation of Nouvelle Alexandrie, where it is recognized alongside Alexandrian and Martino. The Proclamation of Punta Santiago, which established the federation in 1685 AN, explicitly protects and promotes the Wechua language as part of the nation's cultural heritage.

The language enjoys strong institutional support, including mandatory education in all public schools within the Wechua Nation region, optional language courses throughout other regions of Nouvelle Alexandrie, government documentation and services provided in Wechua, as well as media broadcasts and publications supported by government funding. Academic research centers dedicated to linguistic preservation and development also exist.

Dialects and varieties

Classical Wechua

Classical Wechua (Ñawpa Simi or Qhapaq Simi) is an archaic register of the language that served as the administrative, religious, and legal tongue of pre-Atteran Wechua civilization. Though no longer spoken natively, Classical Wechua retains legal force in Nouvelle Alexandrie for certain categories of property rights, noble succession, and religious matters.

A Wechua quipu; from the Royal Academy of the Wechua Language; pictured here in 1703 AN.

The register developed among the priestly and administrative classes of early Wechua society, centered on Mount Lacara. Classical Wechua employed an expanded vocabulary for legal, astronomical, and theological concepts, along with grammatical structures more complex than those found in vernacular speech. The language was encoded in quipu records by specialized keepers known as quipucamayoc, who documented land boundaries, tribute obligations, genealogies, and religious calendars.

Classical Wechua differs from modern Wechua in vocabulary, grammar, and phonology. Native speakers of contemporary dialects cannot understand Classical Wechua without formal training. Scholars estimate that a speaker of Lacara Wechu would recognize only 60-70% of Classical Wechua vocabulary, with the remainder requiring specialized study. The phonology preserves a three-way contrast between plain, aspirated, and ejective stops that has been reduced or lost in several modern varieties, particularly Coastal and Northern Wechu.

The Proclamation of Punta Santiago recognizes the continued validity of traditional documentation for matters predating the federation's establishment. As of 1750 AN, only 47 certified quipucamayoc are authorized to provide legally binding interpretations of Classical Wechua texts, creating significant backlogs in cases involving ancestral land claims, noble succession disputes, and religious property matters. The Tribunal of Traditional Claims reported an average wait time of 14 months for quipu authentication in 1749 AN.

Lacara Wechu

Lacara Wechu is the prestige dialect of the Wechua language, spoken in the central highlands around Mount Lacara and serving as the basis for standard written Wechua. It is the most phonologically conservative of the modern dialects, retaining the three-way distinction between plain, aspirated, and ejective stops that has been lost or reduced in other varieties. An estimated 18-22 million speakers use Lacara Wechu as their primary dialect.

The dialect's prestige stems from its association with the historical and religious heartland of Wechua civilization. The Royal Academy of the Wechua Language is headquartered in the Lacara region, and its standardization decisions have historically favored Lacara forms. This has occasionally generated resentment among speakers of other dialects, who argue that their varieties are unfairly stigmatized.

Lacara Wechu vocabulary includes the largest inventory of terms related to high-altitude agriculture, religious practice, and traditional governance. The dialect preserves certain archaic words that have fallen out of use elsewhere, making it the most useful modern variety for students attempting to learn Classical Wechua.

Coastal Wechu

Coastal Wechu developed among Wechua populations forcibly relocated to western Keltia during Atteran rule. Separated from their homeland for generations, these communities developed a distinct variety that incorporated vocabulary and phonological features from neighboring peoples, including Hammish, Haifan, and later Caputian settlers. The dialect is primarily spoken in the San Francisco area, with smaller communities in Constancia and Natopia.

The phonology of Coastal Wechu has simplified compared to highland varieties. The three-way stop distinction has collapsed to a two-way contrast between plain and aspirated stops, with ejectives lost entirely. Vowel lowering near uvular consonants, characteristic of highland dialects, is reduced in Coastal Wechu, where uvulars have weakened in most environments. Early Alexandrian linguists working primarily with Atteran-era documentation of highland varieties posited a five-vowel system based on their misanalysis of allophonic vowel lowering, and this error became entrenched in traditional orthography.

Coastal Wechu contains numerous loanwords not found in other dialects, reflecting the community's distinct historical experience. Words for maritime activities, coastal flora and fauna, and urban life often derive from Caputian or other western Keltian languages. Some highland speakers consider Coastal Wechu "corrupted" or "impure," a prejudice that Coastal communities find deeply offensive given the traumatic circumstances of their ancestors' displacement.

Rodinia Wechu

Rodinia Wechu is spoken in the valleys of the Rodinia river system, traditionally an area of intensive agriculture and internal trade. The dialect is characterized by an extensive vocabulary for farming, irrigation, and river transport, reflecting the occupations that have sustained these communities for centuries.

The phonology of Rodinia Wechu occupies a middle position between conservative Lacara and innovative Northern varieties. The three-way stop distinction is maintained in careful speech but often neutralized in rapid conversation. Rodinia speakers are generally intelligible to both highland and lowland communities, and the dialect has historically served as a lingua franca for trade within the Wechua Nation.

Rodinia Wechu has contributed significantly to standard Wechua vocabulary in agricultural domains. Terms for irrigation techniques, crop varieties, and seasonal cycles often derive from Rodinia usage, even in regions where local equivalents exist.

Northern Wechu

Northern Wechu is spoken in the northern regions of the Wechua Nation, particularly in communities near the Keltian Green. The dialect has been shaped by centuries of contact with Alexandrian and Martino speakers who settled along the frontier as traders, missionaries, and colonists. This contact has produced a variety with extensive borrowing and some structural innovations not found elsewhere.

The phonology shows influence from both contact languages. Voiced stops /b/, /d/, /g/, which do not occur in native Wechua vocabulary, appear freely in loanwords and are sometimes extended to native words by younger speakers. The uvular consonants /q/ and /qh/ have merged with velars /k/ and /kh/ in many Northern communities, a change considered substandard by Academy prescriptivists. The ejective series has largely been lost, with the uvular ejective /q'/ merging with plain /k/ in most Northern communities.

Northern Wechu vocabulary includes numerous Alexandrian and Martino loanwords for concepts related to commerce, government, and religion. Code-switching between Wechua and Alexandrian or Martino is common, particularly in border towns where multilingualism is the norm. Some linguists have identified emerging creole varieties in frontier settlements, though this classification remains controversial.

Southern Wechu

Southern Wechu is spoken in the southern portions of the Wechua Nation, a region historically oriented toward trade routes running south and east. The dialect shows primary influence from Martino, with secondary Alexandrian elements and limited contact effects from the distant Wakara communities of Boriquén.

Phonologically, Southern Wechu is more conservative than Northern Wechu but less so than Lacara. The three-way stop distinction is generally maintained, though aspirated and ejective stops are sometimes confused in the speech of younger generations. Martino loanwords have introduced the sounds /f/ and the voiced palatal fricative /ʝ/ (the latter from Martino ll and y), distinct from native /ʎ/ and absent in highland dialects.

Wakara influence on Southern Wechu is limited but detectable. A small number of loanwords for plants, animals, and geographical features found in the southern borderlands derive from Wakara. Some scholars have proposed deeper connections between the Wechua and Wakara language families, though this hypothesis remains unproven.

Phonology

Vowels

Wechua has a three-vowel system, though surface realizations vary considerably based on phonological environment.

Wechua vowel phonemes

	Front	Central	Back
Close	i [i, e]		u [u, o]
Open		a [a, ɑ]

The close vowels /i/ and /u/ are lowered to [e] and [o] when adjacent to uvular consonants /q/, /qh/, and /q'/. This allophonic variation led early Alexandrian linguists working with Atteran-era texts to posit a five-vowel system, and the traditional orthography developed during this period reflects this misanalysis. The Royal Academy of the Wechua Language officially recognizes only three vowel phonemes but has not mandated orthographic reform due to the entrenchment of the five-vowel spelling system.

Vowel length is not phonemically contrastive in most dialects, though some Lacara Wechu speakers maintain length distinctions inherited from Classical Wechua.

Consonants

The consonant inventory of standard Lacara Wechu, the basis for the literary language, is presented below. Other dialects may lack certain distinctions or have additional phonemes from contact languages.

Wechua consonant phonemes (Lacara Wechu)

		Bilabial	Alveolar	Palatal	Velar	Uvular	Glottal
Plosive/Affricate	plain	p	t	tʃ	k	q
	aspirated	pʰ	tʰ	tʃʰ	kʰ	qʰ
	ejective	p'	t'	tʃ'	k'	q'
Fricative			s	ʃ			h
Nasal		m	n	ɲ
Lateral			l	ʎ
Tap			ɾ
Approximant		w		j

The three-way distinction between plain, aspirated, and ejective stops is a defining feature of Wechua phonology, though it is fully maintained only in Lacara Wechu and Southern Wechu. Northern Wechu has largely lost the ejective series, while Coastal Wechu has collapsed all three to a two-way plain/aspirated distinction.

The uvular consonants /q/, /qh/, and /q'/ trigger lowering of adjacent high vowels: quri "gold" is pronounced [ˈqoɾe], not *[ˈquɾi]. This phonological process is reduced in Coastal Wechu and absent in Northern Wechu, where uvulars have merged with velars.

Stress

Stress in Wechua is generally predictable, falling on the penultimate syllable of a word. Suffixation can shift stress as words grow longer:

• wasi [ˈwa.si] "house"
• wasiy [wa.ˈsij] "my house"
• wasiykuna [wa.sij.ˈku.na] "my houses"

Exceptions to penultimate stress are rare in native vocabulary but occur in some loanwords and interjections.

Grammar

Wechua is an agglutinative language with a rich system of suffixes attached to nominal and verbal roots. A single verb can carry multiple suffixes indicating tense, aspect, mood, evidentiality, person, and other grammatical categories, sometimes producing words that translate as entire sentences in Alexandrian or Martino.

Morphology

Nominal morphology

Nouns in Wechua take suffixes for number, case, and possession. The language lacks grammatical gender, a feature that Alexandrian and Martino speakers often find liberating.

Number is marked with the plural suffix -kuna when plurality is not otherwise clear from context: runa "person" becomes runakuna "people," and wasi "house" becomes wasikuna "houses."

Possessive suffixes attach directly to the noun: -y marks first person singular (wasiy "my house"), -yki marks second person singular (wasiyki "your house"), -n marks third person singular (wasin "his/her house"), -yku marks first person plural exclusive (wasiyku "our house, not including you"), and -nchik marks first person plural inclusive (wasinchik "our house, including you").

The case system includes nominative (unmarked), accusative (-ta), genitive (-pa/-q), dative (-paq), locative (-pi), ablative (-manta), and directional (-man) among others.

Verbal morphology

Verbs in Wechua are built from roots by adding suffixes for person, tense, aspect, mood, and evidentiality. The basic conjugation pattern for the verb rimay "to speak" in the present tense is:

Present tense conjugation of rimay "to speak"

Person	Singular	Plural
1st (exclusive)	rimani "I speak"	rimaniku "we speak (not you)"
1st (inclusive)	—	rimanchik "we speak (including you)"
2nd	rimanki "you speak"	rimankichik "you all speak"
3rd	riman "he/she speaks"	rimanku "they speak"

Past tense is marked with -rqa- (rimarqani "I spoke"), while future uses -saq/-nqa (rimasaq "I will speak"). Progressive aspect uses -chka- (rimachkani "I am speaking").

Wechua grammar obligatorily marks the source of information through evidential suffixes. Three basic evidentials exist: -mi/-m indicates direct evidence (the speaker witnessed the event or knows it firsthand), -si/-s indicates hearsay (the speaker learned this from someone else), and -chá/-ch indicates inference or conjecture (the speaker deduces this but did not witness it).

For example: Parashan-mi means "It is raining" with the implication that the speaker sees or hears the rain directly. Parashan-si means "It is raining, they say," indicating that someone told the speaker. Parashan-chá means "It must be raining," indicating an inference from wet ground, people carrying umbrellas, or other indirect evidence.

This evidential system has significant legal and social implications. In court testimony, using the wrong evidential marker can undermine a witness's credibility. Politicians and journalists are trained in proper evidential usage. The system makes outright lying grammatically more complex, as false claims of direct knowledge are linguistically marked.

Syntax

Wechua is a subject-object-verb (SOV) language, with modifiers generally preceding the elements they modify.

Basic word order follows the pattern Warmi-qa sara-ta mikhun (woman-TOP corn-ACC eats), meaning "The woman eats corn," and Runa wasi-ta ruran (person house-ACC makes), meaning "The person builds a house."

The topic marker -qa highlights known or contextually given information, while the focus marker -mi (which also serves as the direct evidential) marks new or emphasized information.

Yes/no questions are formed by adding -chu to the questioned element: Mikhunki-chu? means "Do you eat?" or "Are you eating?" Information questions use interrogative words such as ima "what," pi "who," maypi "where," hayk'a "how much/many," and imayna "how."

Negation uses the particle mana before the verb, which takes the suffix -chu: Mana mikhuni-chu means "I don't eat."

Relative clauses precede the noun they modify and use nominalized verb forms: wasi-ta ruraj runa (house-ACC making person) means "the person who builds houses."

Numerals

Wechua uses a decimal (base-10) numeral system. The basic numerals are:

Cardinal numerals 1-10

Number	Wechua	Number	Wechua
1	huk	6	suqta
2	iskay	7	qanchis
3	kimsa	8	pusaq
4	tawa	9	isqun
5	pichqa	10	chunka

Higher numbers are formed compositionally: chunka hukniyuq (10 + 1) "eleven," iskay chunka (2 × 10) "twenty," pachak "hundred," waranqa "thousand."

The quipu system used positional decimal notation to record numerical information, a mathematical sophistication that predated contact with other Micrasian civilizations. This is sometimes cited as evidence of the advanced state of pre-Atteran Wechua administration.

Writing system

Modern Wechua is written using a modified Audente script (the common alphabet of Micras). The orthography was first systematized during the Atteran period, when missionaries and administrators needed to record Wechua for evangelical and bureaucratic purposes. This early orthography was based on Atteran spelling conventions and contained numerous inconsistencies.

Following the Great Restoration in 1673 AN, the nascent Wechua state undertook orthographic reform. The Royal Academy of the Wechua Language, established during this period, standardized spelling in 1678 AN. The modern alphabet consists of the following letters:

a, ch, chh, ch', e, h, i, k, kh, k', l, ll, m, n, ñ, o, p, ph, p', q, qh, q', r, s, sh, t, th, t', u, w, y

Digraphs and trigraphs represent sounds not found in Alexandrian or Martino: ch [tʃ], chh [tʃʰ], ch' [tʃ'], ll [ʎ], ñ [ɲ], sh [ʃ]. The apostrophe indicates ejective consonants.

The traditional orthography writes five vowels (a, e, i, o, u) despite the phonemic inventory of three. This reflects the misanalysis of early grammarians who interpreted the allophonic lowering of /i/ and /u/ near uvulars as distinct phonemes. The Academy has debated adopting a three-vowel orthography for decades, but reform efforts have faced resistance from educated speakers trained in the traditional system and from publishers unwilling to reprint existing literature.

Traditional quipu encoding is still used for ceremonial and religious purposes within the Faith of Inti, and retains legal force for certain categories of documentation through the work of certified quipucamayoc. However, quipu is not a writing system in the conventional sense. It functions as a mnemonic device requiring trained interpretation rather than a script that directly encodes language.

Khipu Siq'i

In addition to the romanized alphabet and the quipu mnemonic system, pre-Atteran Wechua civilization developed a stroke-based notation script known as Khipu Siq'i (ᚁᚔᚐᚒ ᚄᚔᚊᚔ, "Quipu Strokes"). This script, also called Willka Qillqa ("Sacred Writing") by the Inti priesthood, derived its characters from stylized representations of quipu knot positions and cord configurations. Unlike quipu itself, Khipu Siq'i represented a true writing system, though one restricted to the priestly-administrative elite.

The script was a mixed notation system combining phonetic characters, logograms for sacred and administrative concepts, classifier symbols, and diacritical marks. This complexity, combined with deliberate Atteran suppression and centuries of subsequent instability, resulted in substantial loss of knowledge. Reconstruction efforts beginning during the Great Restoration have recovered only a portion of the original system. As of 1750 AN, twelve characters have been confirmed, seven remain disputed among scholars, and an unknown number of additional symbols are attested but unreadable. Traditional sources reference "the forty-two sacred strokes," suggesting roughly half the original character inventory may be lost.

The Royal Academy of the Wechua Language maintains oversight of Khipu Siq'i study and use. Only certified quipucamayoc, ordained Inti priests, and nobility with verified pre-Atteran lineage may employ the script for official purposes. Contemporary ceremonial applications include temple dedications, quipu authentication marks, sacred inscriptions, and funerary monuments for high-status individuals. Like Classical Wechua quipu records, texts in Khipu Siq'i retain legal force for certain traditional matters and may be authenticated by certified quipucamayoc before the Tribunal of Traditional Claims.

The inscription ᚁᚃᚔᚋᚁ ᚔᚁᚉᚒ, conventionally read as Wira Yaku ("Sacred Water"), represents one of the most recognizable examples of the script, though scholarly debate continues regarding whether the reading reflects phonetic spelling, logographic usage, or a combination of both.

Influence

Wechua influence on other languages

Wechua has contributed numerous loanwords to the Alexandrian and Martino spoken in Nouvelle Alexandrie, particularly for concepts, flora, fauna, and cultural practices originating in the Wechua heartland.

Food and agriculture terms include quinoa (from kinuwa), kiwicha (amaranth grain), ch'arki (dried meat, source of Istvanistani "jerky"), pachamanca (pit-cooking method), and chicha (fermented maize beverage).

Animal names include llama, alpaca (from allpaqa), vicuña (from wik'uña), and condor (from kuntur).

Cultural and social concepts include ayllu (community, kinship group), mink'a (communal labor for public benefit), ayni (reciprocal assistance), and waka or huaca (sacred object or place).

Place names throughout the Wechua Nation are predominantly Wechua in origin, and Wechua naming conventions have influenced toponymy in surrounding regions.

Other languages' influence on Wechua

Since the formation of Nouvelle Alexandrie, Wechua has borrowed extensively from Alexandrian and Martino, particularly for concepts related to modern technology, government, and international commerce.

Purist movements within the Royal Academy of the Wechua Language have advocated creating neologisms from native Wechua roots rather than borrowing foreign terms. This has had mixed success. Some coinages have gained acceptance (ñawinchana "computer," literally "thing for looking/reading"), while others have been rejected by speakers in favor of borrowed terms.

Dialectal variation in borrowing is significant. Northern Wechu and Coastal Wechu contain more loanwords than highland dialects, reflecting their greater historical contact with other language communities. In urban areas, code-switching between Wechua and Alexandrian is common, particularly among younger speakers.

Example vocabulary

Basic Wechua vocabulary

Wechua	English	Notes
runa / nuna	person	runakuna / nunakuna "people"
warmi	woman
qhari	man
wawa	child, baby
tayta	father	also respectful term for older men
mama	mother	also respectful term for older women
wasi	house
yaku	water
inti	sun	also the supreme deity in the Faith of Inti
killa	moon
pacha	earth, world, time	appears in Pachamama "Mother Earth"
urqu	mountain
mayu	river
sara	corn, maize
papa	potato
llama	llama
allqu	dog
misi	cat	likely a loanword
allin	good
mana allin	bad	literally "not good"
hatun	big, great
huch'uy	small
sumaq	beautiful
mikhuy	to eat
upyay	to drink
rimay	to speak
llamk'ay	to work
munay	to want, to love

Common phrases

Wechua	English	Notes
Imaynalla?	How are you?	literally "How (is it)?"
Allillanmi	I'm fine	literally "Just good" (with direct evidential)
Imataq sutiyki?	What is your name?	literally "What (is) your name?"
Sutiyqa ... -mi	My name is ...	literally "My name (is) ..." (with direct evidential)
Ama llakikuychu	Don't worry	literally "Don't be sad"
Añay / Sulpayki	Thank you	Añay is traditional; Sulpayki derives from Martino Dios te lo pague
Tupananchikkama	Goodbye	literally "Until our meeting"
Ama suwa, ama llulla, ama q'illa	Don't steal, don't lie, don't be lazy	traditional Wechua moral precept

Literary tradition

The Wechua literary tradition was primarily oral for most of its history. Epic narratives, hymns, prayers, and poetry were transmitted through memorization and performance, often accompanied by music. The quipucamayoc class maintained historical and administrative records in quipu, but these functioned as mnemonic aids rather than complete textual representations.

Oral genres included haylli (triumph songs), harawi (love poetry), wanka (elegies), and taki (songs for various occasions). Many of these forms were associated with agricultural festivals, religious ceremonies, and royal occasions. The haylli tradition celebrated military victories, successful harvests, and the deeds of the Sapa Wechua, while harawi expressed personal emotions and were often performed by women.

The priesthood of the Faith of Inti preserved religious texts through oral transmission, with sacred narratives about the sun god Inti, the earth mother Pachamama, and the mountain spirits (apu) passing from generation to generation. Some of this material was recorded in alphabetic script during and after the Atteran period, though scholars debate how much was lost or altered in transcription.

Colonial and post-Atteran literature

The introduction of alphabetic writing during Atteran rule created new possibilities for Wechua literature, though the colonial context shaped what was recorded and preserved. Religious texts, grammars, and dictionaries produced by missionaries constitute the earliest written Wechua materials. Some Wechua authors produced works in their own language during this period, though most wrote within frameworks acceptable to colonial authorities.

Following the collapse of Atteran power, Wechua communities in the Keltian Green and under successive dominant powers maintained literary traditions in various forms, though the chaos of this period meant that much was lost. The establishment of the first Wechua state in 1657 AN briefly revived literary production before the Wechua Sorrow intervened.

Modern literature (post 1673)

The Great Restoration beginning in 1673 AN inaugurated the modern era of Wechua literature. The founding of the Royal Academy of the Wechua Language provided institutional support for writers, and the standardization of orthography made publishing more feasible. The Academy began collecting and publishing oral literature that had survived the centuries of disruption, creating a written corpus of traditional narratives and poetry.

The formation of Nouvelle Alexandrie in 1685 AN expanded the audience and resources available to Wechua writers. Government support for minority language publishing, the establishment of Wechua-language newspapers and broadcasting, and the inclusion of Wechua literature in educational curricula created demand for new works.

Contemporary Wechua literature includes poetry, novels, short stories, drama, and essay writing. Prominent themes include the historical experience of the Wechua people, the tension between tradition and modernity, rural and urban life, and the multicultural dynamics of Nouvelle Alexandrie. Some writers work exclusively in Wechua, while others publish in both Wechua and Alexandrian or Martino.

The Academy annually awards the Quri Qillqa ("Golden Writing") prize for excellence in Wechua literature, the most prestigious recognition for Wechua-language authors. Recent decades have seen growing interest in Wechua literature from international audiences, with translations appearing in Alexandrian, Martino, and Istvanistani.

Status and language preservation

Wechua occupies a complex position within Nouvelle Alexandrie. As an official language with tens of millions of speakers, strong institutional support, and a vibrant literary tradition, it is far from endangered. Yet concerns persist about language shift in urban areas, where younger generations increasingly use Alexandrian or Martino as their primary language and speak Wechua only with older relatives.

The Royal Academy of the Wechua Language monitors language vitality and coordinates preservation efforts. According to Academy surveys, fluent Wechua speakers constitute over 90% of the population in rural areas of the Wechua Nation but less than 60% in major cities. Urban children are increasingly raised in Alexandrian-speaking households, learning Wechua only as a second language in school if at all.

Education

Wechua-medium education is mandatory in public schools within the Wechua Nation region and available as an optional subject elsewhere in Nouvelle Alexandrie. The Academy develops curricula, trains teachers, and produces educational materials.

Debates continue over the optimal approach to bilingual education. Some advocate for full immersion in Wechua during early years, with Alexandrian and Martino introduced later. Others argue that this disadvantages students in a country where Alexandrian remains the dominant language of higher education and professional life. Current policy varies by region and school type.

Universities in the Wechua Nation offer degree programs in Wechua language, literature, and culture. The Academy operates a graduate program for training quipucamayoc and Classical Wechua specialists, though enrollment remains low due to the length and difficulty of the curriculum.

Media

Wechua-language media includes radio stations, television programming, newspapers, magazines, and online content. The government-funded Radio Inti broadcasts entirely in Wechua, while the national broadcaster NBC provides Wechua-language news and cultural programming.

Social media and digital technology present both opportunities and challenges. On one hand, they enable Wechua speakers to communicate and share content in their language across distances. On the other, the dominance of Alexandrian and Istvanistani online means that Wechua speakers are constantly exposed to other languages. The Academy has supported efforts to develop Wechua-language software interfaces and online resources.

Dialect standardization debates

The Academy's standardization of Wechua based primarily on Lacara Wechu has generated ongoing controversy. Speakers of other dialects, particularly Coastal Wechu, argue that their varieties are unfairly marginalized and that the "standard" language does not reflect how most Wechua actually speak.

Proposals to recognize multiple regional standards or to revise the Academy standard to incorporate features from other dialects have met resistance from conservatives who fear fragmentation of the literary language. The debate reflects broader tensions within the Wechua community about identity, authenticity, and the relationship between tradition and change.

See also

• Wechua people
• Classical Wechua
• Quipu
• Quipucamayoc
• Royal Academy of the Wechua Language
• Tribunal of Traditional Claims
• Faith of Inti
• Mount Lacara
• Wechua Nation
• Nouvelle Alexandrie